Volume 48 - No 1
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
The paper deals with the polyfunctionality of 那 realized as na7> or na2 featuring a range of senses or functions such as if>, only, look like and how/why in earlier Southern Min and its later developments in modern Southern Min based on a set of data reflecting three periods dating back to the sixteenth at the earliest. Special attention is focused on the patterns of syntactic distribution of na7/na2 那 in conjunction with its associated senses and a range of constructions it features such as conditionals, causals, and correlatives denoting simultaneous actions. A comparison of na7/na2 那 in earlier and modern Southern Min shows some interesting grammatical developments chiefly three trends: (i) the grammaticalization of the similative verb *nak 若 in tandem with the proximal deictic element as a marker of the protasis in conditionals; (ii) the obsolescence of the sense of the monosyllabic na7 ‘only’ and emergence of correlative construction na2 X na2 Y featuring the incremental intensification even beyond the newly emergent simultaneous actions; and (iii) the emergence of robust occurrence of na2 那 as a how/why WH-word. The grammatical development is partially manifested in the intriguing recurrence of hyper-characterization of redundant marking of functional isomorphic elements and the compounding of na7/na2 那 and its collocates to forestall the detrimental effect of homophony and ambiguity.
本文根据文献就闽南语“那”指称「如果」、「只有」、「像似」、「怎么」等多重功能，追索十六世纪以來明清时期到现代的演变，着重于考察“那” (na7/na2)的句法分布及相关条件，动因，表同时性动作的联结句式。從早期和现代闽南语na7/na2的比较可以看出引人入胜的语法演变，其中包括(i)「像似」动詞「若」搭配近指指示词，语法化为条件前项目的标记，(ii) 单音节“那”「只有」的消退，闽南语句式 na2 X na2 Y的兴起，並从新兴的同时並行的语义，进而发展递增的並进程度义。(iii) 另外一項关连性演变是na2产生反诘的「怎么」义。在语法演变过程中，功能同形成份常反复出现羨余的迭置现象。na7/na2与其他语词相搭配，一经复合化就跳脱了同音、歧义所造成的不利效应。
Keywords 关键词
Conditional 条件 Alternation 选择 Correlative 联结 Southern Min 闽南语
Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to probe into the semantic constraints that dictate the morphological make-ups of motion sequences. Given that Mandarin allows serial motion construction with multiple verbal morphemes, it is always an intriguing question as to how the morphemes are combined and ordered. To account for the allowed and disallowed sequences of prototypical motion verbs, three sequencing principles are proposed on par with the Proto-Motion Event Schema proposed in Liu et al. (2015). The proposed principles help to set the semantic boundary of a serial motion sequence (The Boundary-Setting Principle), rule out morphological combinations that are against the default order (the Non-Regressional Principle), and account for the prominence and characteristics of Path in motion predication (the Path-Delimiting Principle). As Path is an integral part of motion, it has to be properly delimited with a Path-delimiting element. These three principles may together account for the multi-morpheme motion sequences whose morphological structures are highly correlated with lexical semantic structures. By characterizing the semantic-to-morphological correlations, the study ultimately shows how morpho-syntactic patterns are motivated and shaped by semantic and functional considerations in operation.
文旨在探讨中文移动事件中支配动词序列形态的语意制约原则。鉴于中文可使用多个动词语素来表达移动事件，关于词素间如何组合排列始终是一个有趣并待解决的问题。为了解释典型的移动动词序列，Liu et al.（2015）曾提出中文移动事件的原型基模, 在此基础上, 本文进一步提出支配移动事件的三种排序原则，用以解释常态（允许）与非常态（不允许）的动词序列制约机制。所提出的三个原则有助于界定移动序列的语义范畴（语义范畴设定原则），排除违背常态序列的组合形态（无逆转原则），并可强调路径的显著性和特征预测（路径制约原则）。由于路径是移动事件的必要成分，路径元素成为界定移动事件的关键要素。这三个原则可以解释构词形态与词汇语义间的高度相关性, 提供多语素排列组合的语义机制。通过描述语义与构词序列的互动关连，本研究显示语义功能是激发塑造构词和句法形式的推手, 语义的构成要素直接影响动词词素的排列组合。
Keywords 关键词
Mandarin motion verbs 中文移动动词 Serial motion predication 多语义移动事件 Sequencing constraints 语义与构词的互动 Semantic-to-morphological sequencing 序列制约原則 Proto-Motion Event Schema 移原型基模
Abstract 摘要
This paper focuses on the phenomenon that the same combination of verbs denoting the meaning of action-motion can occur in two different syntactic subtypes of Serial Verb Construction, i.e., the nuclear serialization and core serialization, based on the general distinction made in studies that adopt a variety of theoretical frameworks. Despite the similar meaning expressed by the two constructions and their instantiations that share the same component verbs, the nuclear and core serializations can be distinguished from each other in terms of their argument structure and constituency structure. In this paper, I attempt to offer an adequate description of the properties of these syntactic subtypes of action-motion SVC attested in two Sinitic varieties: Standard Mandarin Chinese and Jinjiang Southern Min. In addition, I argue that only the directional verb (V2) in the core serialization can be optionally followed by a locative noun phrase due to its partly independent argument structure in the core serialization, a characteristic not observed in the nuclear serialization. While both syntactic subtypes of action-motion SVC can be found in Mandarin Chinese, in Jinjiang Southern Min, the meaning of action-motion can only be encoded by the core serialization. The use of contrasting structures to encode action-motion expressions in Mandarin Chinese and mainland Southern Min also indicates the diversity of grammar found in different Sinitic varieties (also see Chappell 2015; Chappell and Li 2015).
本文基于多项研究中显示的关于连动式的一般性区别，集中探讨用以表述“动作—位移”义的相同的一组动词可出现在句法类别不同的连动式(即大、小核心连动式)中的现象。虽然大、小核心连动式可以表达相似的语义且相同的连续动词可以出现在结构不同的连动式中，但是它们在论元结构和组成结构方面表现不同。本文试图为汉语普通话和晋江闽南话中表述“动作—位移”意义但句法结构不同的连动式提供充分的描写。此外，本文论证，正是因为其部分独立的论元结构，只有大核心连动式中的方向动词(V2)才允许其后选择性出现地点名词短语，这一特点在小核心连动式中则观察不到。在汉语普通话中，大、小核心连动式均可用以表述“动作—位移”义，而晋江闽南话只用大核心连动式表述相似的意义。汉语普通话与内陆闽南话用不同的结构编码“动作—位移”义也表明了汉语方言语法的多样性(也参见 Chappell 2015; Chappell and Li 2015) 。
Keywords 关键词
Serial Verb Construction 连动式 Event Fusion 事件融合 Argument Coindexation 论元同标
Abstract 摘要
Compared with its counterpart in Mainland China Mandarin, the degree adverb jĭ几in Malaysia Mandarin is not only widely used, but also commonly found in unique constructions such as “jĭ + verb/adjective + yíxià”. From the perspectives of grammaticalization and language contact, this paper argues that the usage of the degree adverb jĭ in Malaysia Mandarin has been influenced by the southern Chinese dialects, especially Cantonese, and represents as a case of “grammatical replication” (Heine and Kuteva 2003). Specifically, this study finds that the degree adverb jĭ in Malaysia Mandarin has three main functions: (a) to indicate a general degree in interrogative sentences; (b) to indicate any degree; (c) to indicate a high degree. Moreover, this study investigates the historical development of jĭ and proposes that its evolution from a quantity word to a (subjective) degree adverb is a process of grammaticalization. Finally, based on an investigation of Chinese southern dialects where jĭ can be used as a degree adverb, as well as the language situation in Malaysia, this study proposes that the unique features of jĭ in Malaysia Mandarin can be attributed to the Cantonese spoken in Malaysia via language contact, and the whole process is a result of grammatical replication.
马来西亚华语中副词“几”的用法较为广泛。从语法化及语言接触的角度探讨这一用法发现，马来西亚华语“几”的副词用法是受中国南方方言特别是粤语的影响所致。马来西亚华语副词“几”主要有三种用法：(a)表询问，用于疑问句；(b)表任一程度；(c)表程度高。另外，马来西亚华语“几+动/形+(一)下”结构用法也很普遍。马来西亚华语“几”的副词用法的产生与“几”的语法化具有密切关系。“几”从表数量到表程度，是一个由客观数量到主观程度的演变历程。中国大陆普通话已经没有程度副词“几”的用法，但是中国南方方言的“几”的这种用法却比较普遍，尤其是粤语。马来西亚华语“几”的副词用法是受粤语的影响而形成的，是方言接触的结果，马来西亚华语“几”的副词用法复制了粤语中“几”的这种用法，是一种语法复制现象。
Keywords 关键词
Malaysian Mandarin 马来西亚华语 Degree adverb ji 程度副词“几” Grammaticalization 语法化 Dialect contact 方言接触 Grammatical replication 语法复制
Abstract 摘要
In this experiment the effects of speaking rate, focus and prosodic position on duration, F0, intensity and vowel quality are analyzed. The test syllables are /p‘i, p‘a, p‘u/, which are designed to be in disyllabic words. It is found that there is an effect of rate on the formants of the vowels of the key syllable, with vowels more fully realized in slow speaking rate, and there is a tendency for pitch range to be expanded in slow rate. Intensity may be affected by focus, and vowels under focused condition may be maximally realized to highlight the phonemic contrasts. There is no effect of prosodic position on voice onset time, while its effect on fundamental frequency (F0) is obvious. The influence of prosodic position on intensity is similar to that on F0. Its effect on vowel quality is weak, and the effect is in line with enhancement of the place feature rather than with sonority expansion.
本文考察了语速、焦点及韵律位置对时长、基频、音强及元音音质的影响。研究的目标音节为/p‘i, p‘a, p‘u/，分别嵌入在双音节词语中。结果发现：语速对元音共振峰有影响，语速较慢的时候，元音发音更到位，且语速较慢时，调域会有所增大。焦点对音强有影响，处在焦点位置的元音发音更到位，以凸显不同音位的对立关系。韵律位置对发声起始时间(Voice onset time)无影响，但是对基频的影响明显。韵律位置对音强的影响与对基频的影响相似，对元音音质的影响很小，该影响不在于增大元音的响度，而是凸显元音的部位特征。
Keywords 关键词
Speaking rate 语速 Focus 焦点 Duration 时长 Fundamental frequency 基频 Intensity 音强 Vowel 元音
Abstract 摘要
Based on unearthed manuscripts, this paper studies the history of voiceless nasals and liquids in old Chinese phonology. It shows that there was a set of aspirated voiceless nasals and liquids and a set of unaspirated voiceless nasals and liquids in the common language of Shang and Western Zhou Dynasty. The aspirated voiceless nasals and liquids were *m̥ʰ-, *n̥h-, *ŋ̊ʰ-, *l̥h-, *l̥hj-, *r̥h-, and the unaspirated voiceless nasals and liquids are*m̥-, *n̥-, *ŋ̊-, *ŋ̊j-, *l̥-, *r̥-. In Chu dialect, the voiceless nasals and liquids continued to exist in Warring States period. They were *m̥, -*n̥-, *ŋ̊-, *l̥-, *m̥ʰ-, *n̥h-, *n̥hj-, *l̥h-, *r̥h-. Voiceless nasals and liquids were preserved in the Qin dialect in Warring States period and the common language in late Warring States and early Han Dynasty. They were *m̥-, *ŋ̊-, *ŋ̊h-, *ŋ̊j-, *l̥-, *l̥h-, *l̥hj-, *r̥-, *r̥h-. In ancient Chinese, both nasal and liquid were trisection. Some voiceless nasals and liquids probably came from complex consonants such as *hN-, *hr-, *hl-, and so on. Some voiceless nasals and liquids became aspirated voiceless obstruent initials or unaspirated fricatives respectively. The voiceless nasals and liquids are difficult to trace after the late Western Han Dynasty.
本文利用古文字资料对上古汉语清鼻流音作了共时和历时两个层面的考察，结果表明：商周雅言中有送气清鼻流音*m̥ʰ-、*n̥h-、*ŋ̊ʰ-、*l̥h-、*l̥hj-、*r̥h-和不送气清鼻流音*m̥-、*n̥-、*ŋ̊-、*ŋ̊j-、*l̥-、*r̥-；战国楚方言中保留的清鼻流音有*m̥-、*n̥-、*ŋ̊-、*l̥-、*m̥ʰ-、*n̥h-、*n̥hj-、*l̥h-、*r̥h-；战国秦方言及战国晚期(公元前3世纪前后)至汉初雅言中所保留的清鼻流音有*m̥-、*ŋ̊-、*m̥h-、*ŋ̊h-、*ŋ̊j-、*l̥-、*l̥h-、*l̥hj-、*r̥-、*r̥h-。上古汉语不仅鼻音是三分的格局，流音也是三分的。有些字的清鼻流音可能还有更早的来源，即来自复辅音*hN-、*hr-和*hl-。战国晚期以后有些清鼻流音字开始塞化或擦化，大约自西汉后期(公元一世纪)以来，汉语中的清鼻流音已经少有痕迹。
Keywords 关键词
Old Chinese phonology 汉语上古音 Voiceless nasal 清鼻音 Voiceless liquid 清流音 Relationship of phonetic compounds 谐声关系 Common language 雅言 Dialect 方言
Abstract 摘要
In order to test and analyze the model of phylogenetic network of Tibeto-Burman languages, this study tried to reconstruct the phylogenetic network of Tibeto-Burman languages using the NeighborNet method. The materials in use were the 100 core cognates of 51 Tibeto-Burman languages. The network graphs showed that the evolutionary model of these languages is mainly tree-like, which shows that splitting is still the dominant mechanism of evolution and the horizontal transmission plays a significant role in the history as well. Language contact can spread deeply into the core vocabulary of other languages and may even impact the phylogenetic position of related languages.
为对藏缅语的演化模式进行检验和分析，本研究以51种藏缅语100核心关系词为材料，使用NeighborNet演化网生成方法重建了藏缅语演化网。对演化网络的分析表明：藏缅语的演化历史主要是树状的，分化仍是藏缅语历史上占主要地位的演化模式；同时，接触等横向传递模式在藏缅语中也占有不可忽视的地位。在某些语言中，接触可以深入到核心词层面，甚至对其系属地位产生影响。
Keywords 关键词
Tibeto-Burman Languages 藏缅语 Phylogenetic Network 演化网 NeighborNet
Review 书评
Excerpt 节选
The title of this book already signals its perspective: a linguist looking at ‘Chinese’ from outside China, and from Europe in particular, perceives not a language but a family of languages, comparable in their diversity to the Romanic or Germanic language families (see Chappell 2016 for recent work from this perspective). Indeed, in a new twist on an old comparison, the author asserts that ‘Pekinese and Cantonese are more distant than Icelandic and Southern German’ (p. 40). Having published the original book in Polish in 2000, the author was working on a revised English version at the time of his death in 2007. Künstler’s text breaks off at the end of chapter 8, at which point Alfred Majewicz takes over the translation, without attempting the updating that Künstler was pursuing in his English version. The book is based on lectures given at University of Warsaw by Künstler, who is described as a passionate lecturer as well as a ‘severe and demanding professor’ (p. xiii). Both the passion and the severity come across in the book, which presents a relentless critique of Chinese linguistics, especially as practised in China. Linguists are taken to task for numerous errors of method and argumentation. In reconstructing proto-Sino-Tibetan, for example, numerals are commonly used as evidence when they are more likely to be early borrowings than true cognates (p. 63). […] Altogether, the book provides an accessible introduction to the history of Chinese and contributes to an appreciation of the diversity with the Sinitic group. Some of its critiques of Chinese linguistics remain relevant and provide material for lively seminar discussions. Künstler laments how ‘Chinese scholars have neglected ex definitione everything concerning their language written by foreigners’ (p. 222) and this book is likely to suffer the same fate, if only because of the author’s decision to eschew characters. The English version has been a long time coming, but it should ensure that Künstler’s scholarship endures, at least in Sinological circles.
Volume 48 - No 2
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
This paper combines written records with concrete material evidence (such as family genealogy, historical monuments, genetic evidence) to revisit the migration history of the Tangwang people. The core part of the Tangwang population came from Han people. Linguistic and genetic data suggest that a significant portion of the Tangwang populations might have come from Northern and Northwestern China. Loanwords from Arabic, Persian and Turkic were introduced via the Dongxiang (Santa) language and through preaching in Muslim mosques, but the proportion of these words is not significant. Loanwords from Dongxiang generally concern everyday life, while loanwords from Turkic, Persian and Arabic are related to religious items or rites. Despite these loanwords, the basic vocabulary (list of 200 words) is 100% Chinese, and the percentage reaches 98.86% when the number attains 2964 words.
文章结合参考有记载的文献和物证（家谱，历史建筑，基因测试等），旨在厘清唐汪人群体的移民史。唐汪人的主体是汉人。语言及基因调查表明唐汪汉人的大部分来自中国的北部和西北部。借自阿拉伯、波斯及突厥语的词汇是通过寺院的宗教活动由东乡语传入的。这些词汇所占比例很小。借自东乡语的词汇主要是日常生活词汇，而阿拉伯、波斯及突厥语词汇主要涉及宗教活动和仪式。尽管有外来词进入唐汪话，但唐汪话在200词词表里100%都是汉语词；在2964个词里，汉语词占了98.86%。
Keywords 关键词
The Tangwang language 唐汪话 Layers 层次 Genes 基因 Migrations 移民
Abstract 摘要
Writing was independently invented at least four times in human history: Sumerian cuneiform, Egyptian hieroglyphs, Chinese and Olmec Mayan hieroglyphs, all logographic at the time of their invention. Strong archeological evidence supported the dating of the origin of Sumerian and Egyptian writing to 3200 BCE and Olmec Mayan writing to 650 BCE. The earliest known Chinese writing is Jiǎgǔwén 甲骨文 (OBI, oracle bone inscriptions) of late Shang dynasty (ca. 1300–1046 BCE). As OBI is fully mature, the origin of Chinese would have to be dated much earlier. Taking advantage of the continuity of logographic Chinese, we have developed a model to show that Chinese writing should have occurred around or before 2100 BCE. This estimate is consistent with three lines of archaeological findings. Considering the wide distribution of táowén 陶文 (pottery marks) in all Neolithic sites in China during the third millennium BCE we further proposed a “funnel model” to illustrate the landscape at the beginning of Chinese writing and how it evolved into a stable writing system.
人类文明历史产生过四种独立发明的自源文字。考古证据将苏美和古埃及文字的起源定点在公元前3200年左右。汉字最早的考古证据是殷墟出土的甲骨刻辞，时当公元前1300年左右。甲骨文是成熟的文字系统，与两周金文差异不大，所以汉字起源应当远早于商代。本文检视苏美、埃及文字起源的关键考古证据，并论述在缺乏直接考古证据的情况下可以利用出土的甲骨文材料，新石器遗址的陶文资料，及汉字构型连续性所建立的数学模式间接推演汉字起源时间。依据这三种方式笔者推测汉字应该存在于公元前2100年之前。其时大汶口文化及良渚文化已出现类似埃及法老王鸟徽的陶符。由分子生物学可知，细胞体蛋白质初生后经过“漏斗型模式”的竞争过程才折叠成具备功能的三维或四维稳定结构。同样，新石器时代中国大地可能有许多原始初文，经过类似蛋白质折叠的“漏斗型竞争模式”，最后由稳定性高的汉字前身胜出而发展成为商代甲骨文字。
Keywords 关键词
Pristine writings 自源文字 Oracle bone inscription 甲骨文 Pottery marks 陶文 Funnel model 漏斗型模式
Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to explicate the emergence of the inverted double object construction in Hakka by examining diachronic and dialectal data. The uses of BUN in the Basel texts exhibit the characteristics of the ditransitive ‘give’ which is evidently traceable to a monotransitive handling verb. Pieces of evidence are presented to verify the hypothesis that the inverted double object construction was derived from the dative construction by preposition deletion. The ellipsis of the preposition was triggered by the semantic overlap between the meaning of the construction and that of the preposition, instead of by haplology or high usage frequency of the dative construction. The verbs in this construction have to keep in low in type frequency in order to achieve higher semantic coherence, which will in turn accelerate the rise of the new construction. Under this view, the limited distribution of verbs in this construction across Hakka dialects follows automatically.
透过历时和跨方言的语料检视，本文旨在探讨客家话倒置双宾式的起源。巴色会文献中的「俾/畀/奔」之用法显现了单及物持拿义动词的特点，本文由此出发，提出几项证据，证明倒置双宾式源自于介宾补语式的介词省略，省略的动因是构式义和介词义之间的语意冗馀，而非如文献中所言，肇因于同音删略或因介宾补语式高频使用而删略，此外，为促使此结构的产生，此结构中的动词之类型频率必须维持在低频，以便达到较高的语意连贯性，这个观点可以解释为何出现在倒置双宾式中的动词普遍来说都远不如介宾补语式来得丰富和多样。
Keywords 关键词
Hakka 客家话 Inverted double object construction 倒置双宾式 Basel texts 巴色会文献 Giving verb 给予动词 Semantic coherence 语意连贯性
Abstract 摘要
The tonal system in Bai has attracted much attention for its complex combination of pitch and phonation features. What makes it more complicated is that the phonation varies across Bai dialects. In this paper, we examine the tonal quality of Meiba Bai by analyzing F0 (fundamental frequency), OQ (open quotient), and SQ (speed quotient), which are extracted from electroglottographic signals of 28 speakers. Results indicate that the contrast between tones is not only confirmed in F0 (corresponding to pitch), but also manifested in OQ and SQ that reflect phonation manner. Moreover, this paper introduces the concept of “strategy of tone distinction”, which can be applied in investigating the phonation variation. It shows that the phonation variation is neither arbitrary nor motiveless in Meiba Bai. Variation is always within three primary strategies, and the non-primary strategies are adopted only when the individuals’ physical condition of phonation degenerated.
白语的声调是基频和发声方式共同起作用的音系范畴，而且发声参数存在方言变异。学界早已注意到白语声调系统的复杂性。本文采集了28个发音人的电声门阻抗信号（electroglottographic signals），并从中提取了基频（F0）、开商（OQ）和速度商（SQ）三个参数，以此探讨美坝白语声调的性质。结果显示美坝白语声调的对立不仅体现在基频上，也体现在开商和速度商上，即也体现在发声方式上。本文还引入了“声调区分策略”来分析声调的发声变异现象。本文发现，美坝白语声调的发声变异并不是任意的，也不是毫无动因的：变异集中在三种主要声调区分策略上，而非主要区分策略的出现则与发音人的个体发声生理条件有关。
Keywords 关键词
Meiba Bai 美坝白语 Phonation variation 发声变异 Strategy of tone distinction 声调区分策略 F0 基频 OQ 开商 SQ 速度商
Abstract 摘要
Thomas Francis Wade (1818–1895) and his Wade-Giles System have been credited with promoting the victory of Peking pronunciation as the standard Mandarin. However, the first Peking orthography was not published by him, but another British consular official, Thomas Taylor Meadows (1815–1868), in his book Desultory Notes (1847). In the present paper the content and value of this orthography are examined by comparing Meadows and his contemporaries’, especially Wade’s, attitudes and treatment towards Peking Mandarin and a uniform Chinese transcription system, with specific reference to the development of Peking Mandarin in 19th century. It demonstrates that Wade adopted Meadows’s opinion on the significance of Peking pronunciation, and his system was also influenced by Meadows’s in many aspects. This study illuminates that Meadows’ orthography, as a first try of an exclusive transcription system for Peking pronunciation, played the overture of its victory.
19世纪英国外交官威妥玛 (Thomas Francis Wade, 1818–1895) 和他的拼音方案 (Wade-Giles System) 因推动了北京音成为官话标准音的进程而备受赞誉。然而，第一个北京音拼音方案其实出自另一位英国外交官——密迪乐 (Thomas Taylor Meadows, 1815–1868)，该方案刊登在他1847年出版的《随笔》(Desultory Notes) 中。本文结合19世纪北京官话发展的历史背景，通过比较密迪乐与同时期的汉学家（特别是威妥玛）对北京官话和统一汉语拼写系统的态度与处理方式来分析密迪乐方案的内容与价值。研究发现密迪乐不仅在北京音重要性的观念上深刻影响了威妥玛，而且在分类、选词、标记方式等多个方面影响了后者的拼音系统。本文的研究说明，密迪乐的拼写方案作为第一个专门的北京音罗马字转写系统，揭开了北京音获得标准音胜利的序幕。
Keywords 关键词
Peking pronunciation 北京音 Thomas Francis Wade 威妥玛 Thomas Taylor Meadows 密迪乐 Peking Orthography 北京音拼写系统
Abstract 摘要
It is not reflected expressly in the literature when “卯” evolved from a noun expressing time into a verbal measure word. It exists in two districts far away from each other: first, it is commonly used in the Hangzhou dialect，where it has grammaticalized into a suffix of time noun and diffused to Northern Wu; second，it is more widely distributed in dialects of Central Plains Mandarin and Jin in the vicinity of Henan，but with a limited range of functions. The period connecting these two groups of dialects lies in the transitional period between the Northern Song dynasty and Southern Song dynasty，implying that the word emerged in Southern Mandarin during the Northern Song dynasty at the latest，and transferred by migrants from Kaifeng to Hangzhou in the early Southern Song dynasty. Its grammaticalization pathway is also reflected in texts and dialects. The character word “卯” corroborates the views of Shuxiang Lü and Jerry Norman on the evolution of Southern Mandarin.
“卯”由表时辰的名词演变为动量词的时间，文献中并无明确反映。这个动量词存在于两个相距甚远的方言区块：在杭州方言中常用，还虚化为时间名词后缀，并扩散到了北部吴语；在毗邻河南的中原官话、晋语中存在面较大，但使用受限。联系两地方言的时段是两宋之交，意味着该词至迟产生于北宋时期的南系官话，是由开封等地移民在南宋初带到杭州的。文献和方言用例则反映出其演变的轨迹。这个特征词印证了吕叔湘、罗杰瑞关于“南系官话”流变的某些看法。
Keywords 关键词
Verbal measure word “卯” 动量词“卯” Occurrence condition 产生的条件 Regional distribution 地域分布 Origin and development 源流
Abstract 摘要
As an important way of time recording, Ganzhi in the Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Shang dynasty is different from that in later ages in that it can be modified. However, huge controversies arise as to the semantics of its modifiers. Focusing on the whole Ganzhi time system, this paper examines the distribution and internal relationship of the modifiers with corpus-based evidences from the CUHK’s CHANT. It is found that: (i) “jinlai” is equipped with poor productivity due to its two internally contradicting semantic branches; (ii) “jin/yi/lai/jinlai” differ from “jinri/yiri/lairi” in their pragmatic functions with the form group belonging to the North Village whereas the later the South Village; (iii) and “jin/jinri”, “yi/yiri”, “lai/lairi” are characterized by distinctive features of ‘reference to time proximate’, ‘reference to the time point’ and ‘reference to time not belong to the whole-ten-ganzhi circle’ respectively. In short, modifiers of Ganzhi are the results of interactions between pragmatic functions and semantics.
中国殷商甲骨卜辞时间中干支有着重要地位。与之后不同的是，卜辞干支前可加不同的修饰语，其意义学界分歧甚大。本论文着眼于卜辞的整个干支系统，以香港中文大学汉达文库为支撑，分析其分布和内部关系。论文发现： 1) “今来”能产性差的根源是由于其内部两个语义枝有矛盾；2) “今/翌/来/今来”与“今日/翌日/来日”之间存在语用差异，分属村北和村南系；3) 干支修饰语“今/今日”“翌/翌日”“来/来日”区别特征分别是“近指、定指占卜次日、非本旬”。由此推知，卜辞干支前的修饰语是语用、语义共同作用的产物。
Keywords 关键词
Meanings 语义 Pragmatics 语用 Ganzhi 干支 Modifier 修饰语 Oracle-bone Inscriptions 甲骨卜辞
Abstract 摘要
Research on patients with mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI) has reported that discourse-level impairments are associated with decreased global cognitive functioning. The global cognitive disorganization potentially emerges from poor connectivity across nodes comprising dispersed cortical networks. A likely source of this functional disconnectivity in mTBI is a post-trauma deterioration in the white matter integrity. In mTBI patients and matched controls, we used diffusion tensor tractography (DTI) to compare the integrity of inter-hemispheric commissural, limbic, and association fibers. Relative to controls, patients showed lower fractional anisotropy (FA) and higher mean diffusivity (MD) values in a majority of tracts. Decreases in fiber count, volume and density suggest a large-scale white matter deterioration not restricted to language tracts. FA of several tracts correlated with performance of a language judgment task. These suggest that the abnormalities in the integrity of inter- and intra-hemispheric tracts are related to linguistic deficits in these patients.
先前轻微创伤性脑伤研究指出，病患交谈时的语用障碍与大脑全面的认知功能降低有关。脑损后之语言障碍显示因不良神经网路连结和无法信息同步而引发的全脑性认知功能组织紊乱。创伤后产生的功能连结断裂的可能源头是大规模白质的结构性退化。本研究以扩散张量造影比较轻度脑损病患和对照组跨脑半球纤维、合缝纤维、边缘纤维以及结合性神经纤维的结构完整度。在上述大多数的神经纤维束当中，病患的扩散方向系数均较健康人低，而扩散量系数较健康人高。此外，多处纤维数量、体积和密度的大幅降低也显示白质退化不只限于语言相关路径（例如：弓状和钩状神经束）。与此同时，许多神经纤维束的扩散方向系数与语言判断表现也呈现相关性。因此，同侧脑半球以及跨脑半球的白质纤维束（不限于语言相关纤维束）之完整度与病患语言障碍息息相关。
Keywords 关键词
Diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) 扩散张量造影 Traumatic brain injury (TBI) 创伤性脑伤 White matter 白质 Linguistic processing 语言处理 Fasciculus 神经纤维束
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