Volume 46, No 1
Haeree Park 朴慧莉
Excavated bamboo or wooden manuscripts dating from the 5th to 3rd centuries BCE have now become important new sources of data for Old Chinese phonology. The ways these sources are interpreted are necessarily based on methodological assumptions for Old Chinese reconstruction. So when debated issues in the latter are involved, disparate observations about the same materials turn out to manifest differences in the methodologies themselves. The study of Old Chinese through excavated manuscripts seems to become further complicated by considerations of the nature of the ‘pre-Qin’ archaic script and the provenances of the manuscripts. In response to these problems, as argued in this article, it is essential to recognize that the writings from the ancient Chu and Qin regions, notwithstanding the impressive range of graphic variability reaffirm the logographic nature of the Chinese writing system. The imperial ‘script-unification’ of the Qin dynasty was primarily an orthographic standardization in accordance with the norms of the old Qin region, whereby distinct regional variants were purged and preexisting internal variants were diminished. This by no means implicated such a drastic change in the writing system as a syllabary transforming to a logography. It is therefore necessary that the principles of OC reconstruction should be applied consistently to both the excavated archaic-script writings and transmitted early Chinese textual sources. It should be maintained first of all that the xiesheng (shared-phonophorics) and Shijing (the Book of Odes) rhymes in principle converge on a single phonological system, even though the actual history of the former is most probably older than the latter. This leads us to suppose about the OC vowel system that the Rounded Vowel Hypothesis does not hold, and that excavated texts have not yielded any data suggesting otherwise. Instead, this article suggests an alternative analysis of Middle Chinese (MC) -w- < *-w- which can explain the problem in the conventional OC rhyme classification concerning the Hypothesis. In the same vein, Chu and Qin writings in each case exhibit the early Chinese xiesheng series which had been received until that time; the regional variants thereof can complement each other as evidence for the Old Chinese phonology. When elements of dialects are found sporadically in the late archaic script, whether in Chu or Qin manuscripts, one may reasonably suspect that they reflect dialect-borrowings layered within the Old Chinese language.
出土戰國簡牘文獻及文字今已成爲上古音研究之重要新資料。此資料的解釋基礎于上古音構擬方法論而後者有著不少論爭點，因此對同一材料的多數研究之間結果相差頗大，這其實是對方法論的异見的表現。出土文獻的音韵研究還需要考慮到所謂先秦古文字的性質與文獻的考古發現地域以及它對古漢語方言的啓示，使得其研究課題更複雜。面對著此問題本文認爲我們必須認識到：簡牘上的楚文與秦文，其中雖有較大量的异體异鈎字，也重新確定中國文字之語素文字性質。秦皇朝的“書同文”政策主要是用字及正字規定上的標準化，是按照舊秦國地域的書寫習慣， 其效果是一方面除去秦以外地域的异構字，另一方面减少其地域之內已有的异體字。此事在中國文字歷史演變上幷沒有引起像從音節文字到語素文字那樣本質的轉變。所以上古音構擬的基本原則應該對于出土古文與傳世文獻及文字一律得適用。其原則之一是， 諧聲字系統形成的史實比詩經成書更早而兩者所反映的音系却成爲一個內部一致的音系。根據此原則我們推定‘圓唇元音假設’嫌不妥當。出土文獻裏也未曾有反證的依據。本文則用一個MC -w- < *-w-的异分析來對待其假設對通行上古韵部分類的批評。而且簡牘楚文與秦文各顯示戰國時期傳承到的上古諧聲系統，其中的地域差別可以相補來當作上古音的證據。出土文獻偶爾有的方言成分，這也許是上古漢語方言之間接觸的結果，就是單一上古語言之內存在的語音及詞匯層次。
Old Chinese 上古音 Archaic Chinese script 古文字 Logographic writing 語素文字 Chu and Qin manuscripts 簡牘秦、楚文 Old Chinese Vowel system 上古元音 Old Chinese dialects 古漢語方言
San Duanmu 端木三; Shengli Feng 冯胜利; Yan Dong 董岩; Yingyue Zhang 张瀛月
In Chinese VO (verb-object) phrases, 2+1 (disyllabic + monosyllabic) is ill formed when other length patterns are available, such as 2+1 *种植蒜 zhongzhi suan vs. the well-formed 2+2种植大蒜 zhongzhi dasuan ‘plant garlic’. However, 2+1 VO is acceptable when alternative length patterns are unavailable, such as 节约水 jieyue shui ‘save water’ and 喜欢钱 xihuan qian ‘love money’. The conditional acceptance of 2+1 VO is known as the ‘last resort’ effect. However, the predicted judgment difference has not been demonstrated experimentally. In addition, it is unclear whether native speakers find the last resort 2+1 to be as good as 2+2. Moreover, it is unclear what other factors may affect native judgment. To address the questions, we conducted a judgment experiment. Our study shows that (i) 2+2 VO is ranked the best, (ii) 2+1 is ranked the worst when a better form is available, and (iii) the last resort 2+1 is ranked between (i) and (ii). The result (iii) indicates a persistent effect of prosody, even for the last resort 2+1. In addition, we found a collocation effect between V and O. Moreover, we found considerable variation among the subjects, in that some subjects consistently gave higher scores than others, and for some expressions, there is a high degree of disagreement among subjects, which suggests that personal perspectives may play a role.
汉语动宾短语(VO)的词长搭配中，2+1（双音节＋单音节）的搭配通常不好，例如2+1 *“种植蒜”不如 2+2 “种植大蒜”好。但是如果没有其他搭配可选，2+1也可以接受，例如“节约水”、“喜欢钱”等。这种现象叫做“唯一选择”效果。不过，有的问题仍然有待探讨。比如，以上所说的两种接受度，能否通过实验加以证明？“唯一选择”的2＋1的接受度，是否跟2＋2的一样好? 除了词长的搭配以外，是否还有其他因素影响语句的接受度？针对这些问题，我们进行了VO的接受度实验。结果显示（i）2＋2 VO的接受度最高；（ii）当有其他它搭配可选时，2＋1 VO的接受度最低；（iii）当无其他它搭配可选时，“唯一选择”的2＋1 VO的接受度在（i）与（ii）之间。结果（iii）表明，韵律对语句的接受度始终存在影响，即使“唯一选择”的2＋1 VO也受其影响。我们还发现，动词与名词之间的搭配关系也有影响。还有，参与者之间也存在差异：（i）有的人打分大大高于平均水平、有的大大低于平均水平，（ii）有少数结构得分差异很大，有的人给的是满分、而有的人给的确是最低分，说明个人观点也可能影响对语句的判断。
Word-length preference 词长选择 Prosody 韵律 Acceptability experiment 接受度实验 Elastic words 弹性词 Last resort 唯一选择
Xiangjun Deng 邓湘君; Virginia Yip 叶彩燕
This article features a new multimedia corpus with 22 hours of recordings of a Mandarin-speaking child from the age of 1;7 to 3;4. We review the state of the art in the use of corpora for first language acquisition of Mandarin, and highlight the importance of corpus studies in evaluating children’s language developmental patterns vis-a-vis adult input. The transcripts in our new corpus are annotated with a morphological tier indicating parts of speech, and linked to audio or video files. This corpus goes beyond existing published corpora of child Mandarin in having more data for a single child, as well as media linking. It contributes to a number of fields including language acquisition, Chinese linguistics, corpus linguistics, developmental psycholinguistics, education, and speech and language therapy.
Child language corpus 儿童语料库 Mandarin Chinese 汉语普通话 Language input 语言输入 Media linking 多媒体链接 Morphological tier 词类注释层
Wang Weimin 王为民
By the late Ming Dynasty(1602), the Beijing dialect of the Chinese language had witnessed the phenomenon of palatalization in the fine sounds of jian 见 group and jing 精 group, but the two kinds of sounds, called respectively tuan 团 sounds and jian 尖 sounds today, were still entirely different from each other. From the same period when the primary edition of Jiu Manzhou Dang 旧 满 洲 档 (Government archive of the early Manchu/Manzhou) [MG 1607-1636], we can see that the Manchus in the Northeast of China confused the two kinds of sounds at the beginning of learning Chinese language, which is described as the merge of jian and tuan sounds. After the entry of Manchus (1644), characterized by the merge of jian and tuan sounds, the imperfect Chinese language spoken by Manchus entered the inner city of Beijing and formed a contrast with the traditional Chinese language spoken by the Han people in the outer city of Beijing. Due to the implementation of the Manchu as the national language (guoyu 国 语) in the early Qing dynasty, the language spoken by Manchus in the inner city affected the language spoken by the Han people in the outer city through education. About 100 years later (1743-1810), in the spoken Chinese of the Han people in the outer city, the phenomenon of merging jian and tuan sounds appeared first only in some words, and then finally took over completely. This shows that the phenomenon of merging jian and tuan sounds in the Beijing dialect of the Qing dynasty is a result of the horizontal transmission of linguistic features from the Manchus in the inner city to the Han people in the outer city. The so-called “horizontal transmission” is the mutual effect between different languages when they contact with each other. The history of the Beijing dialect of the Qing dynasty is a history of the Manchus in the inner city abandoning the Manchu language, which was first converted imperfectly into the Chinese language and then finally merged with the spoken Chinese of the Han people in the outer city. In this process, on account of the special social status of the Manchus in the inner city, their spoken Chinese with the merge jian and tuan sounds affected that of the Han people in the outer city, and eventually prompted the same merge of two sounds of jian and tuan sounds among the latter, just as what had happened to the Manchus.
明末（1602）北京话虽已出现见精组细音字腭化现象，其界限仍泾渭分明。但由同期的《旧满洲档》（MG[1607-1636]1969） 来看，地处东北的满族人在学习汉语伊始就出现了混淆见精组细音字现象，即尖团合流。满族入关(1644)之后，尖团合流式的汉语进入北京内城，与北京外城汉语形成对立。由于清初推行“国语”即满语，满族人的口语通过教育的方式影响到了北京外城汉族人的语言。百年之后 （约1743-1810），北京外城汉族人的口语也出现并完成了尖团合流。由此可见，清代北京话的尖团合流是北京内城满族人的语言特征横向传递给北京外城汉族人的结果。所谓“横向传递”就是因语言接触而造成的不同语言之间的相互影响。清代北京话的历史是内城满族人放弃满语并不完善转换为汉语，然后与外城汉族人所操汉语融合的历史。在这个过程中，由于内城满族人的特殊社会地位，内城满族人的汉语口语对外城汉族人的汉语口语产生了影响，促使外城汉族人口语中的尖团音像内城人满族人一样产生了合流。
Beijing dialect of Qing dynasty 清代北京话 Language contact of the Han people and the Manchus 汉满语言接触 Horizontal transmission 横向传递 jian 尖 and tuan 团 sounds 尖团音
Yuchau E. Hsiao 萧宇超
Tetrasyllabic adjective reduplications in Taiwan Southern Min can be achieved by either partial reduplication or total reduplication. The partial reduplication may operate rightward or leftward, depending on the morpho-semantic structure of the stem. The shape of the total reduplication is determined by the semantic function, emphatic or weakening. This paper employs the theory of Cophonology, and posits four cophonologies to account for the partial and total reduplications. I argue that alignment and contiguity constraints interact differently in the cophonologies of reduplication, and the cophonologies are structurally related. The proposed approach offers a simpler and unmarked generalization, which effectively predicts the dialectal universality and variation.
Reduplication 重叠词 Cophonology 并存音韵 Alignment 对整制约 Contiguity 紧邻制约 Optimality Theory 优选理论 Taiwan Southern Min 台湾闽南
He Hengxing 何恒幸
Chinese American linguist Zhao Yuanren [Yuen Ren Chao] 赵元任’s homophonic Chinese text entitled “Shi shi shi shi shi 施氏食狮史” (or Story of stone grotto poet eating lions) (Zhao [Chao] 1960; 1980:149) is a peculiar text that is little explored. This paper, with a discussion of this text in terms of mode of discourse, reveals how flexible a homophonic text can be, and how mode of discourse can bend a discourse in its length, syntax, style, and structure. This study enriches the linguistic power and intelligence to Zhao [Chao]’s original homophonic text and offers some implications for the research of homophonic texts and discourses.
华裔美籍语言学家赵元任题名为 “施氏食狮史” 的汉语同音文是鲜为人们探究的一篇奇文。本文从话语方式角度对其进行了讨论，揭示了同音文的灵活性以及话语方式对话语的长度、句法、风格与结构的改变。本研究丰富了赵氏同音文的语言力度与智慧，并为同音文及话语研究提供了一些启示。
Discourse 话语 Text 语篇 Homophonic text 同音文 Discourse flexibility 话语灵活性
Huang Xiaoxue 黄晓雪
From the typological perspective, origins of disposal markers in Wu dialect fall into two categories. The first type grammaticalized from verbs indicating “to take or to hold” while the second one grammaticalized from verbs meaning “to give”, comitative prepositions and verbs showing “to help” through the intermediate stage of beneficiary prepositions. The first type is mainly distributed in the northern Wu dialect district and the second one is mainly distributed in the southern Wu dialect district. Typological differences on disposal markers in the northern and southern districts of Wu dialects are associated with the typological characteristics of SVO and the tendency of SOV. The double object structure “verbs meaning gei ‘to give’ + IO + DO” is the necessary condition on which verbs meaning gei “to give” grammaticalized into disposal markers. Disposal markers of the second type appeared later than disposal markers of the first one. The influence of mandarin, especially the strong position of Putonghua caused disposal category to extend regions and promoted the generation and formation of disposal markers of the second type.
Disposal marker 处置标记 Beneficiary preposition 引益介词 Linguistic type 语言类型
A number of studies in the second language (L2) research argue that a general unergative-unaccusative distinction is made syntactically and semantically in adult L2 acquisition. Attempts to provide empirical evidence of the L2 English unergative-unaccusative distinction by adult Chinese speakers have only recently begun to appear. The present study investigates the acquisition of unergative and unaccusative verbs in L2 English by adult Chinese speakers. One hundred and twenty-one L1 Chinese speakers of different levels of English proficiency participated in a judgment test and a Chinese-English translation task. It is argued that the results are consistent with proposals made by Yip (1995) and Balcom (1997) which argue for overgeneralization of passive morphology to unaccusative verbs in L2 English. The results also show that, contrary to findings in the literature, learners have persistent difficulty establishing native-like syntactic realization of unergative verbs in L2 English: unergative verbs seem to have been interpreted as transitive verbs. It is speculated that the low accuracy on unergative verbs can be accounted for when Case assignment and the absence of positive evidence that unergative+NP construction is not allowed in English are factored in.
許多研究提出成年二語習得上，非作格與非賓格動詞有著句法和語義上的差異；因此，近期有些研究企圖提出實證來證明。本文探討英語為二語的成年華人在非作格與非賓格動詞的習得現象。一百二十位擁有不同程度英語能力的華人參與此項測驗，包含語法判斷測驗與英漢翻譯測驗。結果論證Yip (1995)和Balcom (1997)的理論，即在二語英語中，被動構詞的過渡性會映射到非賓格動詞上。不同以往文獻的發現，結論也顯示學習者在二語為英語上不容易達到如同母語者對於非作格動詞的呈現-非作格動詞又被解釋作及物動詞。據推論，格位賦值與非作格+NP結構不被英語允許的證據缺乏都被考慮在內時，非作格動詞的低準確性可以被用來解釋這些現象。
Unergative 非作格 Unaccusative 非賓格 Alternating unaccusative 交替性非作格 L1 transfer 母語遷移
Volume 46, No 2
Dear Friends of JCL,
I remember vividly that evening in 1973, when I drove up the narrow winding roads of the Berkeley Hills. Professor Y.R. Chao (赵元任) was waiting for me at the door of his Cragmont Avenue home. He beamed as I handed him the very first issue of Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL), which was dedicated to this eminent scholar. (JCL vol. 1, no. 1: i) He was also particularly pleased to see listed among the Associate Editors his long time friend, the eminent Professor Fang-Kuei Li (李方桂). On p.ii of that inaugural issue, I discussed why it was necessary for the field of Chinese linguistics to have its own voice:
Chinese linguistics derives from two distinct but related fields of knowledge. In one, the objective is to deepen our understanding of Chinese culture (in the broadest sense of the term) via its primary medium of expression – its language. Whether it is a piece of inscription to be deciphered, a philosophy to be analyzed, or a poem whose rimes are to be reconstructed, a solid knowledge of the language of that time is crucial. Such studies have a long tradition in Sinology; indeed, they were virtually the only ones which scholars interested in Chinese pursued, until recent times. The other field of knowledge is aimed at discovering the general principles underlying human language as a whole. The Chinese language is particularly important here not only because of the time depth of its literature and the wealth of its dialects, but even more because of the unique properties of its syntax and phonology. It constitutes a tremendously rich resource for Linguistics to tap – from the study of sound change to investigations of sociolinguistic variation. These two fields, Linguistics and Sinology, flow together in their concern with the Chinese language. The central questions on the language remain the same: its structure, its ontogeny, and its phylogeny, as well as the interactions between the Chinese language on the one hand, and Chinese thought, literature, and social systems on the other. Also of considerable interest are the questions which arise when the Chinese language comes into contact with other languages, be it in the controlled context of a language class or on the streets of an emigrant community. All in all, there is much to be done. Before today, papers on Chinese linguistics had to seek foster homes in diverse journals of general linguistics and in publications of various hues of orientalia. This situation was at best a nuisance, and at worst a serious impediment to the communication and progress of our field. In this journal, let us hope, Chinese Linguistics will have found its own voice.
(William S-Y. Wang, “Chinese Linguistics.” Journal of Chinese Linguistics volume1, number1 [January 1973], p. ii)
I made use of the first Newsletter of IACL to again stress the necessity to have a broad vision for our field in these words:
… We have papers on the Han dialects as well as on the languages of the ethnic minorities. Some papers are strongly theoretical, while others emphasize an experimental or computational orientation. While most of the discussion has centered around spoken language, there is also concern with our unique morphosyllabic writing system. There are papers in psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics, sociolinguistics, and applied linguistics. After all, language is an activity that pervades every aspect of human life. It is natural that the study of language should be broadly based and that it should draw from many disciplines.
The term “Chinese Linguistics” in our IACL has several interpretations. Among these, one reading has to do with the traditions, theories and results of linguistics and philology as practiced by Chinese scholars past and present. Another reading has to do with the application of the methods of general linguistics to the languages found in China. This would include, of course, research on many non-Sinitic languages, such as Altaic, Austric, Tibeto-Burman, etc., especially on their interactions with the Han dialects. After all, China is a Sprachbund in the full sense of the word. Her linguistic fabric has been woven together over the millennia from many intertwining and inseparable strands. …
(William S-Y. Wang, “An Association of Our Own.” Newsletter [of] International Association of Chinese Linguistics, volume 1, number 1 [Jan.1993], p.1)
While I mentioned several allied disciplines in 1993, I could not have foreseen the spectacular advances in several areas made in the intervening decades that are deeply relevant to the study of language. One area studies human evolution using methods of genetics – including the exciting developments of methods to extract DNA from fossils of our close relatives who became extinct dozens of millennia ago. Perhaps the day will come when we will be able to say which of our close relatives, Neanderthals, Denisovans, etc., had the pre-requisite DNA for language, whether or not they had invented it themselves during their time.
Another area studies the brain directly using powerful methods of imaging. This area has already given us much new information about how aspects of language acquisition begin as early as fetal life. It is also making important progress toward elucidating how language is impaired, abruptly through injury or gradually through ageing. Such knowledge about language during the sunset years will play a major role someday when we will be able to retard or prevent such impairment through appropriate intervention.
Thanks to these spectacular advances, questions in linguistics which drew mere speculations earlier can now be pursued by rigorous scientific methods. Language research in the West is taking giant strides forward in these multi-disciplinary areas. Vanguard journals like Nature, Science frequently publish papers in linguistics with authors from evolutionary anthropology and cognitive neuroscience. Chinese Linguistics surely must not miss out on these research opportunities on the fundamental questions on language. JCL will always be ready to encourage the opening of new frontiers. The natural sciences and technology in China have essentially attained international standards of excellence, worthy of the status of daguo 大国. In the humanities and social sciences, it seems China still lags behind by a significant margin – which requires all of us to work harder.
Chu-Ren Huang 黄居仁; Shu-Kai Hsieh 谢舒凯; Lauren Prévot 龙安培博; Pei-Yi Hsiao 萧佩宜; Henry Y. Chang 张永利
This paper proposes an innovative approach to link basic lexicon (e.g. Swadesh list) to upper ontology as the foundation of OntoLex interface to address the challenge of building language resources for endangered languages in the linked data paradigm. A linked data approach to language resources requires existing, and preferably sizable, language resources. For endangered and other less-resourced languages, however, the scarcity of existing resources limits the possibilities and potential benefits of linking. The challenges are then, how can construction of language resources for endangered language continue to thrive in the linked data paradigm, and how can the linked data approach benefit language resources for endangered languages. Our proposal requires the bare minimum of available data and we show with examples from Formosan languages (Austronesian or aboriginal languages of Taiwan (Blust 2013, 20) that 1) this approach is applicable to endangered languages, and that 2) in spite of the restrictions imposed by scarcity of resources, the linked linguistic data consisting of basic lexicon + upper ontology generate important new information. Comparing Swadesh lists from different languages allowed us to build a small shared ontology that reflects direct human experience, and can serve as the cross-lingual conceptual core. In addition, these micro-ontologized lexicons can be used as seeds for developing a fully-grown and more comprehensive documentation of linguistically motivated ontology for each language.
关联数据(linked data)研究法的兴起对濒危语言的语言典藏造成了极大的挑战。本文在本体词库界面(OntoLex)的基础上提出链接基本词库（如斯瓦迪斯词表 (Swadesh list)）与上层知识本体的新进路，藉以验证关联数据方法在濒危语言语言典藏的可行性。关联数据是在网路语意化后构建语言资源最重要的手段。但是关联数据法成功的前提需要有现成的大量语料或语言资源可以链接。把这个研究法应用到濒危或其他资源匮乏语言，所有关联数据的优势都会因为缺乏可链接的现成资源而消失殆尽。 在关联数据范式主导网路研究与资源构建的环境下，濒危语言典藏面临了如何在资源匮乏的劣势中，连接产生新资源与新知识的严峻挑战。本文以台湾南岛语为对象，提出仅需要最少资源的资源链接方法，以证实 1) 关联数据法可以用于濒危语言， 2) 即便是资源匮乏, 基本词库与上层知识本体的链接可以产生新的文化知识。比较斯瓦迪斯词表在不同语言中的呈现，使研究者可进一步在上层共享知识本体的架构下 比较不同语言文化间的基本概念体系与生活经验差异。 这些核心知识本体更可以作为未来为这些语言的构建完整知识本体的基础。
Endangered languages 濒危语言 Linked Data 关联数据 Swadesh list 斯瓦迪斯词表 Ontology 知识本体 SUMO Formosan languages (Austronesian languages in Taiwan) SUMO 台湾南岛语
Ivan Chow 周允文
In light of the high frequency of disyllabic words in modern Chinese and the “default” phonological status held by the disyllabic prosodic foot in speech production, we conducted a series of psycholinguistic experiments to determine whether the quantitative property of prosodic feet has a significant influence when parsing syntactically ambiguous utterances in speech perception. More specifically, without contextual or acoustic cues, would native Mandarin speakers be biased towards disyllabic structures when listening to six-syllable utterances that can be parsed into syntactically similar structures composed entirely of disyllabic or trisyllabic feet? Results indicate that, Mandarin speakers tend to parse ambiguous utterances initially into one of the two possible syntactic structures rather than simply recognizing them as ambiguous. Nonetheless, they do not favour disyllabic structures when lexical information regarding word meaning, syntactic function, usage frequency, etc. is available. However, when parsing sequences of six random digits where lexical and syntactic information is irrelevant, our results point to a clear preferential tendency towards disyllabic grouping. In other words, the quantitative property of prosodic feet plays a significant role in Mandarin speech parsing only when lexical and syntactic information is irrelevant or unavailable.
Modern Chinese 现代汉语 Syntactic disambiguation 辨识句子结构 Disyllabic Foot 双音节韵律脚 Speech perception 语句理解 Parsing 句子辩解
Shelley Ching-Yu Depner 谢菁玉
This study examined the body-part eyes in Mandarin Chinese and German with the majority of the data taken from corpora and dictionaries. Our research goals are to explore: (1) whether Mandarin is a Satellite-framed language as Talmy (2000) and Peyraube (2006) proposed; (2) the characteristics of morphosyntactic structure of the eye expressions; and (3) if certain cognitive modeling of eye expressions can be observed. The main findings are: (a) verbs of eye expressions in Mandarin can be categorized into three thematic types: agent independence, path-patient dependence, and agent-theme causation; (b) German is a satellite-framed language, but Chinese is a verb-framed language; and (c) through cross-linguistic comparison, we verify the typology of concept structuring. Linguistic studies mutually verify one another.
本文觀察華語和德語的「眼」用語。從語料庫和字、詞典*收取語料後，我們試圖 (1) 透過跨語言的比較來檢視Talmy (2000) 和 Peyraube (2006)對華語的語言分類，(2) 分析眼用語的語法形態結構（morphosyntactic structure），(3) 觀察當中的語言使用認知模式。我們發現：(a) 眼用語的動詞可以分成自主施事者 (agent independence)、從屬路徑-受事者 (path-patient dependence)、起因施事者-論題 (agent-theme causation) 三種論旨形態。(b)德語是衛星框架語言(satellite-framed language)，而華語是動詞框架語言（verb-framed language）。(c) 透過跨語言的比較，我們進一步牦清概念結構的類分。語言學次學門的研究結果能互相核對與證實。
Body-part terms 身體部位詞 Mandarin Chinese 華語 German 德語 Satellite-framed language 衛星框架語言 Verb-framed language 動詞框架語言 Cognitive modeling 認知模式
Outuan Hmong language has much more finals than other Hmong dialects. In previous Hmong language literature, there is discrimination between the original finals and the loanwords finals; the loanwords finals have been treated in a less important position in the phonological system of Hmong language. This paper suggests to differentiate the original finals and the new finals. The new finals mean the newly-added original finals, which have the equal position with the original finals. The conclusion is based on four linguistic standards: some original words of Hmong language are pronounced in the new finals; some basic words in the new finals; some old loanwords in the new finals; some words which source cannot be recognized are pronounced in the new finals. In Outuan Hmong language, the number “one” and “eight” are homonym, which could lead to quite inefficient communication exchange and is uncommon in human language. To solve the problem, the native speakers discriminate “one” and “eight” by code-switching. These two features described above reflect a close contact between the Hmong language and the local Dong language and local Chinese dialect.
藕团苗语相比于其他苗语方言显得韵母数量较多，以往的苗语文献 （如 Wang Fushi 1985，Li 2000 等）多区分固有韵母和借词韵母，借词韵母的地位是边缘性的。本文则将藕团苗语韵母区分为固有韵母和新增韵母，新增韵母可以理解为新增固有韵母，地位和固有韵母相同。其所据为以下四项语言学标准：有固有词读入新增韵母，有苗语的基本词被新增韵母的借词替换，有老借词读入新增韵母，有来源未明的词读入新增韵母等。藕团苗语的数词“一”和“八”同音，由于会引发巨大的交际成本，这种情况在人类语言中比较罕见，藕团苗语主要用语码转换来解决“一”和“八”同音的问题。以上两项特征反映了藕团苗语和当地侗语、汉语的深度接触。
Hmong language 苗语 Finals 韵母 Numerals 数词 Language contact 语言接触
Patricia Mueller-Liu 穆佩芝
Since its first discussion by Y. R. Chao in the early 20th century (1933, 1968), the phenomenon he referred to as “successive tonal addition” has been highly controversial. According to Chao, this intonation phenomenon expresses different moods and attitudes and manifests itself as rising and falling, non-lexical, pitch-movements added to the lexical contours of utterance-final syllables. Due to the lack of technological means at the time Chao could offer no instrumental evidence for his claims. Since 2004, numerous falling and rising pitch-phenomena reminiscent of Chao’s “successive tonal additions” have been observed by this author, who refers to “utterance-final edge tones” (Ju wei jiayin句尾加音) (Mueller-Liu 2004, 2006, 2008). Expanding these earlier publications and containing new, hitherto unpublished data, this paper is a detailed account of the author’s findings, including acoustic analyses of these pitch-phenomena and a conscientious description of their attitudinal messages and the discourse contexts in which they are found. The similarities and differences between falling and rising edge tones and Chao’s falling and rising “successive tonal additions” are also discussed in detail.
赵元任于20世纪初 (1933, 1968)首次描述的“successive tonal addition”(连续声调叠加, 参看 Li & Wang 2013, 308) 现象一直备受学者争议。此现象指的是句子末字声调加音的升降变化。根据赵元任的研究, 此种用以表达不同情绪与态度的语调现象仅具语调性质, 并非声调。惟因当时缺乏先进科技, 无法提供声学测识证明其论述。自2004年以来,本文作者研究发现大量类似赵元任的 “successive tonal additions”（連续声调叠加的语调现象）的语调起落现象 (Mueller-Liu 2004, 2006, 2008)，并以 “utterance-final edge tones” (句尾加音) 命名此语调现象。根据未发表的新数据，本文扩展这些前期研究，详细说明作者有关该现象的声学分析，频率曲线情形，以及它们的语境。本文还有详细讨论 “utterance-final edge tones” (句尾加音)与赵元任所描述的 “successive tonal additions” （连续声调叠加现象）有何异同。
Lexical tones 声调 Intonation 语调 Attitude 态度 Edge tones 句尾加音 (尾音) Successive tonal addition 连续声调叠加 Simultaneous tonal addition 同时声调叠加
Sun Yizhi 孙宜志
There are scholars who have already done some research on the sound strata of Yu鱼rhyme in Southern Wu dialects such as Mei Zulin (2001) and Chen Zhongmin (2013). Accordingly, this article presents a further research, which has found eight sound strata of Yu鱼 rhyme in Southern Wu dialects. Layer I merges into the Yu鱼 and Ma麻 rhymes. Layer II is that Yu鱼 rhyme stands alone. Layer III merges into the Yu鱼 and Hou侯 rhymes. Layer IV and V are both Yu鱼 and Zhi支 rhymes, sharing the same pronunciation. Layer V is the result of some dropping medials from Layer IV. Layer VI includes the Yu鱼 Zhi支 Zhi脂 Zhi之 and Wei微rhymes. Layer VI with high vowels becomes layer VII. Layer VIII consists of Yu鱼 and Yu虞 rhymes. Layer I originated in Western Han Dynasty, layers II, III, IV, V, VI and VII resulted from changes of Yu鱼 rhyme in Six Dynasties (Wei Jin Nan Bei Chao), and layer VIII is from the late Tang period to Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms (Wu Dai Shi Guo) period. The article also discusses the ways to distinguish between the cognate stratum and the heterogeneous stratum. Layers I, II, III, IV, V, VI and VII are all cognate strata from lexical diffusion of the evolution in Southern Wu dialects while layer VIII is a heterogeneous stratum. Meanwhile, this article has reconstructed the process of cognate strata change.
Southern Wu dialects 南部吴语 Yu鱼 rhyme 鱼韵 Sound strata 语音层次 Sound changes 语音演变
1. OVERVIEW OF DIVERSITY OF SINITIC LANGUAGES
The difference in grammar, or morphosyntax, among Chinese dialects was once thought to be insignificant, as reflected in Chao’s (1968:13) famous claim that “[i]t is in matters of grammar that the greatest degree of uniformity is found among all the dialects of the Chinese language.” This idea, however, has been critically challenged since the 1980s when more dialectal data come into light. Diversity in Sinitic Languages is the latest milestone in the exploration of the grammatical diversity across Chinese dialects. As the book title suggests, the editor views traditional Chinese dialect groups as related but different languages. The term ‘Sinitic languages’ will be used throughout this review.
The book under review comprises three parts, bringing together ten chapters by eight authors. All the chapters, except Chapter 3 by Peyraube, are products of the project entitled ‘The hybrid syntactic typology of Sinitic languages (SINOTYPE)’ funded by the European Research Council from 2009 to 2013. The final product of the project, following this book, will be a series of typological descriptive grammars of lesser-known Sinitic languages such as the Waxiang language spoken in Hunan, Hui’an Southern Min spoken in Fujian, and Nanning Southern Pinghua spoken in Guangxi.
In Part I of the book, two chapters, following the introduction, are devoted to approaches to the grammatical diversity of Sinitic languages. To highlight the nature and extent of the diversity across the languages, Chappell’s chapter applies the notion of linguistic area, which typically describes languages belonging to different families, to analyzing Sinitic languages. She identifies five linguistic areas based on an examination of disposal, passive and comparative constructions. Peyraube’s chapter demonstrates with specific examples how typological research on Sinitic languages may benefit from studies of diachronic grammar. In contrast, in the West the influence of typology upon diachronic studies is more significant than that of diachronic studies upon typology.
In Part II, extensive data were presented in three typological studies to illustrate important aspects of the grammatical diversity across Sinitic languages. Yujie Chen’s study investigates demonstrative systems with a sample of 303 Sinitic languages. Chen shows that on top of the two-term systems, which are the most prevalent type in Sinitic languages as well as in world languages, there also exist one-term, three-term, four-term, and even five-term systems in the Sinitic family. Some languages with a one-term system are found to employ another type of system as well. In systems with three terms or above, a demonstrative member may be derived from another member through various devices, such as syllable lengthening, stressing, reduplication and tone sandhi. While different systems in the languages are mainly based on the distance scale, a small number of them are reported to be also sensitive to visibility. Wang revisits bare classifier phrases ([CL-N]; noun phrases made up of a classifier + noun without a numeral or demonstrative) with a sample of 120 Sinitic languages. Taking into account the syntactic distribution (the possibility of preverbal use and postverbal use) and the semantic interpretation (the possibility of definite reading and indefinite reading) of the bare classifier phrases, Wang identifies a range of seven behavioral types from the 16 logical types produced by the four variables. Eventually he comes up with three implicational universals: (a) preverbal [CL-N] phrases ⊃ postverbal [CL-N] phrases; (b) preverbal indefinite [CL-N] phrases ⊃ preverbal definite [CL-N] phrases; and (c) postverbal definite [CL-N] phrases ⊃ postverbal indefinite [CL-N] phrases. Chappell and Peyraube co-author the last chapter of Part II, presenting a study of comparative constructions in Sinitic languages. The study focuses on the two main types of comparatives in the languages, the COMPARE type with the marker-standard-predicate configuration and the SURPASS type with the predicate-marker-standard form. More specifically, the authors disagree with the common belief that the SURPASS type is very limited in geographical distribution and show that although the COMPARE type dominates in the North and is gradually replacing the SURPASS type, particularly in the central area, the SURPASS type is, in fact, rather widespread, which is more common in but not limited to the South. The depth at which these three studies in Part II examines the grammatical diversity in the Sinitic languages is commendable. Beyond illustrating the diversity with extensive and solid examples, they also offer plausible explanations for the diversity through proposing implicational universals, as in the chapters by Yujie Chen and Wang, and providing a diachronic account, as in the study of Chappell and Peyraube.
In Part III, four case studies of individual lesser-known Sinitic languages shed light on the grammatical diversity from different angles. Sousa compares Nanning Pinghua and Nanning Cantonese, which co-exist in Nanning, the capital of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, with Old Nanning Mandarin and the indigenous Tai languages of Northern Zhuang and Southern Zhuang from a language contact perspective. Although Nanning Pinghua and Nanning Cantonese are quite similar, especially in phonology, Sousa illustrates some essential ways in which they differ. He argues that Nanning Cantonese shares more structural features with Zhuang than Nanning Pinghua does. This finding is surprising considering the fact that Nanning Pinghua has a much longer contact history with Zhuang. Ngai presents a study of the origin of the numeral for “one”  个 (rendered as KA in the following) in Shaowu Min. This form for “one” is unusual in the sense that it is not a cognate of the corresponding pan-Chinese form IT 一 or of the corresponding pan-Min form SOK 蜀. In fact, as Ngai (196-206) points out, KA, a cognate of IT (in the form of [i53]) and a cognate of SOK (in the form of ) all co-exist in Shaowu Min as numerals for “one” with different syntactic distributions. It is rare, at least in Sinitic languages, that three forms for ‘one’ co-exist in a single language. She argues that KA is the indigenous one in the language and proposes that its source is most likely an adjective meaning ‘unique’ in Old Chinese. Another case study is conducted by Li on complex personal pronouns in Fuyang Wu. In most Sinitic languages, there is only one set of pronouns, with singular-plural distinction. However, in some central and northern Wu languages, including Fuyang Wu, two sets can be found, namely simple pronouns and complex pronouns, the latter of which are derived from the former through prefixation. In synchronic terms, Li shows that complex pronouns with no stress can only occur in topic positions while stressed complex pronouns are much freer. In diachronic terms, he argues that complex pronouns are derived from fusions of simple pronouns and a preceding copula in cleft sentences. In the last chapter, Weirong Chen studies comparative constructions in Hui’an Southern Min, where six types are identified. It is found that the two most common comparative types in Sinitic languages, the COMPARE type with the marker-standard-predicate configuration and the SURPASS type with the predicate-marker-standard construction, are the least frequently used ones in Hui’an Min; the hybridized type with the marker-standard-marker-predicate form and the short type with the marker-predicate form dominate in the Hui’an Min data. In order of frequency, Chen discusses the six types of comparatives from typological and historical perspectives.
Reported by Peng Gang 彭刚; Feng Yan 冯燕
The 9th International Conference in Evolutionary Linguistics (CIEL-9) (Dijiu Jie Yanhua Yuyanxue Guoji Yantaohui第九届演化語言學國際研討會) took place in Yunnan Minzu University (Yunnan Minzu Daxue), August 25-27, 2017. The conference was organized by School of Ethnic Cultures of Yunnan Minzu University. There were 187 experts and students in total, mainly from 64 universities and institutions in the region of China Mainland, Hong Kong, Taiwan; USA, Canada, Australia, Austria, Japan and Korea, attending the three-day conference. The 11 keynote speeches and 77 oral presentations included five major themes (suggested by the author of the report): 1) the development of language, cognition and the brain, 2) language contact and evolution, 3) the origins of Chinese, 4) diachronic and synchronic study of language, and 5) other language evolution related research (such as speech disorder and second language acquisition). Both Chinese and English were working languages of this conference.
Reported by Li Xiaofen 李小芬; Sun Na 孙娜
The 2017 Annual Meeting of Chinese Anthropological Society (2017 Nian Zhongguo Renleixue Xuehui Xueshu Nianhui), was sponsored by the Chinese Anthropological Society (CAS), Inner Mongolia Normal University (Neimenggu Shifan Daxue), and Association of Science and Society in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Shehui Kexuejie Lianhehui). It was co-hosted by the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology Advanced Studies of Inner Mongolia Normal University (Neimenggu Shifan Daxue Minzuxue Renleixue Gaodeng Yanjiuyuan), the Coordination and Innovation Center of Research on Ethnic Culture alongside the Grass Silk Road (Caoyuan Sichou zhilu Minzu Wenhua Yanjiu Xietong Chuangxin Zhongxin), and the ethnology innovation team of Inner Mongolia Normal University (Neimenggu Shifan Daxue Minzuxue Chuangxin Tuandui). Under the theme of “Baorong Fazhan de Renleixue” (Anthropology in inclusive development), the conference, was held at the Inner Mongolia Normal University, Huhehot, from August 14 to 17, 2017. It brought together 270 scholars from more than 100 scientific research institutes and universities as well as regional presses of mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea and Germany. There were 9 keynote speeches and 137 seven individual presentations featuring five major themes: Linguistic anthropology (Yuyan Renleixue), Physical and archaeological anthropology (Tizhi, Kaogu Renleixue), Educational anthropology (Jiaoyun Renleixue), Historical anthropology (Lishi Renleixue) and Cultural anthropology (Wenhua Renleixue) (see details in section 2. Presentation by Major Themes).
“Collect, observe, and study carefully. Get your data right and let the language speak for itself.”
These were the words he offered to students who came to enroll in his graduate seminar on Chinese linguistics. These were also the words he held dear to his heart, always with microscopic examination, be it Chinese or Sanskrit, Tibetan or Miao-Yao. This conviction was, in fact, what kept him going for more than seven decades in research, a conviction that accounted for his accomplishments both as a linguist and a teacher. Professor Kun Chang, of the University of California at Berkeley, passed away on April 4, 2017, at the age of 99.
Zheng-Zhang Shangfang, a truly gifted and devoted scholar of Chinese historical linguistics, Chinese dialectology, and Sino-Tibetan linguistics, passed away in his hometown, Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, China, on May 19, 2018, at the age of eighty-five.
We warmly congratulate Prof. William S.Y-Wang, the Founding Editor of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics, on his recent conferment of an honorary degree from the University of Chicago, which has long been an incubator of great minds and pioneering linguists including Edward Sapir, Leonard Bloomfield and Fang-Kuei Li. UChicago News on May 29, 2018 announced, “The University of Chicago will present honorary degrees to five distinguished scholars during the 531st Convocation on June 9.” Prof. Wang is one of the five being cited:
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