Tonal evolution from Pre-middle Chinese to Modern Pekinese: Three tiers of changes and their intricacies
由中古音前至北京音系的声调演变: 三个梯次的变化及其间的关系
By Chung-yu Chen 陈重瑜 著
Chapter 章节
Abstract 摘要
Mandarin tonal evolution is an old topic in Chinese historical phonology. However, this study differs from all previous works in terms of methodology and underlying conceptions, as well as in theoretical assertions. Therefore, the findings obtained from this study not only redefine all the phonological rules that have hitherto enjoyed universal acceptance in the field but also discover types and orders of changes that have until now been buried in oblivion. All the claims made in this study are based on large numbers of attested examples and concrete statistics.
1. Introduction
1.1. Methodological Departure
1.1.1. Inadequacies in the conventional approach to historical phonology and dialectology
1.1.2. Characteristics of the present study
1.2. Conceptual Differences
1.2.1. Linkage between prestige languages of successive stages in history
1.2.2. A probe into the routes of Ru-sheng transitions before Middle Chinese
1.3. A Theoretical Egress – A System-Internal Version of Lexical Diffusion
1.4. The Findings
Abstract 摘要
2.1 The Evolution of Tones in Chinese Historical Phonology: the General Consensus versus the Proposed Points of Departure
2.2 Materials and Points of Clarification
2.2.1 Materials
2.2.2 Clarification on a pre-Middle Chinese period
2.2.3 A tradition of ‘prestige pronunciations’ – the basis for comparisons: Qieyun-Guangyun, Zhongyuan Yinyun, and Modern Peking
2.3 The Profiles of Tonal Changes
2.3.1 On the different readings corresponding to different meanings of the same graph
2.3.2 Parallel changes in the initial or final
2.3.3 Doublets and reversals
2.3.4 Internal discrepancies within a word and within a speech community
2.4 Notation and Interpretation: Numbers of Graphs
2.5 Points of Reference: Five-Point Tracing instead of Two-Point Mapping
2.6 Types and Orders of Tonal Changes
First-Tier Changes (Divergent) 第一层变化 (分化):
Abstract 摘要
3.1 Introduction and Rationale
3.2 Classification of Families Caught in the Transition and Their Implications
3.3 Ru-sheng Retention Rates as Indicators of Relative Timing: the Lower the Rate, the Earlier the Inception of the Macro-transition
3.4 Ru-sheng Retention Rates in Families of Types 1, 2, and 3 (i.e. Families Containing Qu Graphs)
3.5 Ru-sheng Transitions in Families of Types 2, 3 and 4: the Old and the New Routes of Transitions
3.6 Sonorant-Initial Graphs in Type-4 Families: percentage and Behavior
3.7 Instances of Multiple Readings: Relative Timing for the Micro-transitions and Delineation of Routes of Transitions
3.8 The Mechanism of analogy in Operation: Rise of the New Routes for Ru-Sheng Transitions
3.9 Finding
3.10 External verification of the ‘Qu-Centrality’ Hypothesis: Evidence in Old Chinese — Shijing Riming Frequencies
3.11 External verification of the ‘Qu-Centrality’ Hypothesis: Evidence in Ancient Chinese and Modern Dialects
3.12 Summary and Conclusions
Abstract 摘要
4.1 Ru-sheng Transitions after Middle Chinese in Families That Contained 1-3 Ru-sheng Graphs
4.2 Division of Old and New trends of Ru-sheng Transitions within a Family
4.3 Closing Words
Second-Tier Changes (Interflowing) 第二层变化 (交流):
Abstract 摘要
5. An interflow between Qu and Shang
5.1 Graphs Having Qu-Shang Two Readings in Middle Chinese
5.2 Graphs having one tonal reading in Middle Chinese
5.4 Conclusions
Abstract 摘要
6.1 The Two-Reading Stages and Their Implications
6.2 An Interview between Shang and Qu on a Cross-Dialectal Spectrum
6.2.1 A comparison on the numbers of irregular reflexes
6.2.2 Samples of disparities in the tonal development of individual graphs
6.3 Conclusion
Abstract 摘要
7.1 Graphs Having Two Readings in Qu and Yang-Ping in Middle Chinese
7.2 Graphs Having One Reading in Middle Chinese
7.3 Changes between Ru and Qu – Yang-Ping
7.4 Closing Words
Abstract 摘要
8.1 Graphs Having Two Readings in Shang and Yang-Ping in Middle Chinese
8.2 Graphs Having One Reading in Middle Chinese
8.3 Changes between Ru and Shang – Yang-Ping
8.4 Closing Words
Abstract 摘要
9.1 A Relativity Profile on Volumes of the Three Interflows.
9.2 A Progression Profile: Completions, Splits, and Reversals.
9.3 A Pace Profile: Numbers of Moves in Various Time Spans.
Abstract 摘要
In this chapter, ‘three-way changes’ refer to changes between Qu, Shang, Yang-Ping, with and without involving an earlier Ru. Discussion will be focused on changes without involving an earlier Ru for a statistical analysis.
Third-Tier Changes (Convergent) 第三层变化 (并合):
Abstract 摘要
11.1 The In-Flowing Graphs.
11.2 Changes out of Yin-Ping.
11.3 Statistical Implications.
11.4 The Relationship between Ru and Yin-Ping.
Abstract 摘要
12.1 Five Types of Evidence of High-Frequency Colloquial Forms Changing towards the Yin-Ping Tone.
12.1.1 Reduplicates.
12.1.2 Onomatopoetic forms.
12.1.3 Monosyllabic verbs.
12.1.4 Colloquial (as opposed to literary) vocabulary.
12.1.5 Colloquial (as opposed to literary) readings.
12.2 Early Stage of Sound Changes Giving Rise to Etymological Confusion.
12.3 Closing Words.
The Intricacies 复杂情况:
Abstract 摘要
13.1 Migration Behavior of the Ci-Zhuo (Sonorant-Initial) Graphs
13.2.1 Contents of Ci-Zhuo graphs in the three interflows
13.2.2 Ci-Zhuo graphs in the First-Tier changes of Ru-sheng transitions
13.2.3 Ci-Zhuo graphs in the Third-Tier changes, the convergent changes into Yin-Ping
13.2.4 Ci-Zhuo graphs in Modern Peking in general
13.3 Concluding Remarks.
Abstract 摘要
14.1 The Operations of the Analogical Mechanism Causing Reversals in Third-Tier Changes: More Active in the Non-Dominant Direction
14.2 The Operation of Analogical Mechanism in Second-Tier Changes – More Active in the Dominant Direction.
14.2.1 A Negative correlation between rates of probable analogical changes and degrees of maturity of the interflows
14.3 A comparison of the Second- and Third-Tier Changes in Respect to the Operation of the Analogy Mechanism
14.4 Internal Differences within the Second-Tier Changes
14.5 The Contents of Ci-Zhuo Graphs
14.6 Yang-Ping as a Powerful Loadstone
14.7 Closing Words
Abstract 摘要
(1) the multiple readings in Modern Pekinese,
(2) evolvement of 3rd Tone readings,
(3) families of未 and 末in Guangyun
15.1 Background and the Time Frame of the Corpus
15.2 Patterns of Earlier and Later Transitions within a Word Family
15.3 Patterns of Transitions in graphs Having Both Ru and Non-Ru Readings in Middle Chinese
15.4 Patterns of Transitions in Modern Multiple-Reading Graphs having Only a Ru-sheng Reading in Middle Chinese
15.4.1 The Modern readings of graphs having only one Ru-sheng reading in Middle Chinese — separate scrutiny.
15.4.2 In the absence of vocalic endings – the medial and other considerations
15.6 A scrutiny of the Third-Tone Readings of Middle Chinese Ru-sheng Graphs — Two Rarities
15.7 A Tale of two Families
15.8 Conclusion.
Abstract 摘要
16.1 Theoretical Implications
16.2 Types of Frequency-Induced Tonal Changes in Mandarin
16.2.1 A dissimilation tendency of 44 34
16.2.2 Changes arising from tonal fatigue caused by long-term association with the weak stress
16.2.3 The tendency for high-frequency colloquial forms changing into Yin-Ping
16.3 Implementation as Collective Actuations: Diffusion across the Lexicon and across the Population
16.3.1 The Rise of flip-flop changes
16.3.2 Rise and fall of a sound change in a community: a micro-study
16.3.3 Two or more mechanisms at work
16. Closing Words
Abstract 摘要
北京音系的声调演变是一个旧题目。但是本书与之前的研究有所不同。上古音与中古音之间入声的舒化从未被探讨过。本书利用中古音舒入声皆有的谐声系统里四声的分布，勘测岀中古音之前入声舒化的新旧路线。主流的旧派音变是不论声母清浊，入声一律变为去声；往往随之又有后续的发展，由去变向阳平或上。中古音之后主流是新派音变，入声不论声母清浊多变为阳平。新路线的形成是基于类推作用，同声符而先舒化为取的字有些已经有后续变化而成为阳平或上，后舒化的同声符字就抄快捷方式，直接变为阳平或上。虽然，中古音的一字多读情况显示新派音变里，入声有直接变向上声的迹象。然而，现今的北京音系里，中古入声字的三声读都有去或阳平的共时多读音或先前的读音。因此，中古音里的入上二读字可能是‘入’与‘（入à 去à）上’或‘（入à阳平à）上’的读音。
入声从不直接变为阴平，都是经由去，阳平，或上。本书经由五个追踪点检验单字的声调变化：中古音，中原音韵，1932的标准国音，以及1963，1985两次审音。有少数字还包括有记录的俗读音，即共有六个追踪点。只有起讫两点的历史比较看不到中程的变化，如回归音变（AàABà(Bà)A），中途的转折(AàBàC)等等。不检视现代的变化，即1932至1963-85系统的变化（包括俗读音），不知道声调变化的形态与速度，结果就把系统内的变化当做外来的方音。
入声的舒化是第一梯次的声调变化。去与阳平，上之间的变化是第二梯次的变化，是双向对流。第二梯次变化的驱动力可能是不同时期入声舒化的趋向不同，引起某一个调类内字数的膨胀。为了纾解膨胀，减少同音字，同时也避免阳平，上，去之间字数的过渡不平均，于是后续的移动自然产生。###阳平，上，去变向阴平是第三梯次的变化，基本上是单向变化。本书也提岀证明，高频率常用口语词条有阴平化的倾向。由阴平变向他声多数是回归音变，即由他声变向阴平又半途而废或事后回头的变化。这一点由比较各种声调变化在不同时段双向的流量之间的比例而得出的结果。
由于中古音之前，入声舒化的主流是变向去声，在第二梯次的三种对流变化里，由去流向其它两个声调的变化不但是字数最多，高峰期也比反方向的变化早。而上去之间既然是双向变化，‘浊上变去；充其量只能说是一个趋势而不是一个音变规律。事实上，有很多浊上字没有变去，而又有很多清上字变成去；当然，去变上的字更多。
此外，中古之后新增阴平字的来源也是去声最多（31.1％），阳平次之（24.0％），上声最少（15.1％）；其余则是来自入声，当然也是经由阳平，上，去。本书的统计数字显示，次浊声母字的舒化起步较晚，因此进入第三梯次变成阴平的字数也最少。
北京音系里，中古入声字的一字多读一向被认为是源自不同方言。本书提出中古音里的读音证明，现今的多读音只是新旧音重叠的过渡罢了。北京音系一向是‘雅音‘，没有外来更雅的音了。因此，北京音系里的’文读‘就是较早的音罢了。本书也提岀证明，中古入声字在目前北京音系里的三声读也都是经由去或阳平的读音而来。当这类字的多读音之间有第一声或第三声以及第二声或第四声，同时又有[+-韵尾]的差异时，[+韵尾]的读音都是在第一声或第三声上；第二声或第四声也可能同时有[+韵尾]的读音，但不会有相反的情况（即没有第二声或第四声读有韵尾，第一声或第三声读没有韵尾的情况。）[+韵尾]的读音是较新的读音，不带韵尾的读音是底层的读音。《广韵》里， ‘末 ’，‘未 ’，两个谐声系统之间有九对意义都相近的字。本书也证明这两个系统实际上是同一个系统；其中有九个字正处于新旧重叠的过渡阶段。
本书从现代的声调变化（如，近代的阴平化，声调疲劳，以及四声字的异化）里证明，高频率有催化作用。高频率促成效果的累积，是缓慢渐进的；而最终的调类变化则是突然的。从历史的角度回顾，频率的累积是看不到的，所能看到的是记录上的突然改变。这个由缓慢到突然之间的关联，可能是新语法学派观点，音变的产生是渐进的（phonetically gradual）, 与词汇扩散学派观点，音变的产生是突然的（phonetically abrupt），两者之间的一个折衷点，也是部分共同点。
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