Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.12 – 1984

Volume 12, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
“Rimed texts and paronomastic glosses are important sources of information on the language of the Western Han period. In the present study, materials of this type are used to reconstruct the final system of the late Western Han poet, Yang Xiong.”


Abstract 摘要
The bulk of Chinese VP syntax can be interpreted as the product of an interplay between two opposing forces: where verb compounding morphology always increases the number of arguments per verb, the surface structure condition that the main verb may not be followed by more than one constituent serves to limit the complexity of VP. This interplay has led to the development of accusative object markers and the verb reduplication construction. Evidence for this claim is provided from (1) the behavior of V + O compounds in transitive sentences, (2) morphological structure of complement-taking verbs, (3) cognate object constructions and (4) the phenomena of verb reduplication in extent and adverbial complements. Surface filters are word order templates, as pointed out in Perlmutter (1971) and the proposed surface structure condition is no exception. If we assume that Chinese dialects have essentially identical basic structure, then the proposed surface structure condition is a reasonable device to account for different surface details, and leads to a natural and revealing analysis of the syntax and morphology of Chinese dialects.


Abstract 摘要
This paper attempts to describe the meanings of question forms in Mandarin Chinese in different syntactic contexts.


Abstract 摘要
In this sequel to From Middle Chinese to Modern Peking (Chen 1976a), we set out to investigate the phonological history of another major dialect of China. Owing to the length of the manuscript, this report will appear in three contiguous issues containing, respectively, the following main sections: I-IV, V-VIII and IX-X. The footnotes go together with the corresponding sections, while the references and appendices summing up the sound correspondences are relegated to the very end of the monograph-length article. The overall organization of the present work is then as follows:

Part 1.
I. Introduction
II. Phonotactic conditions
III. Tonal developments
IV. Initial Changes
Footnotes to sections I-IV

Part 2.
V. Cantonese Vowel Shift
VI. The realignment of inner and outer rimes
VII. The genesis of *TRI-SEG
VIII. Late allophonic rules
Footnotes to sections V-VIII

Part 3.
IX. Summary of rules and conditions
X. Relative chronology
Footnotes to sections IX-X

Appendix A. Tone correspondences
Appendix B. Initial correspondences
Appendix C. Final correspondences






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Volume 12, No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
In this paper I propose a structural explanation for meaning differences associated with the position of adverbial modifiers with respect to the verb in Mandarin. Tai 1981 has claimed that modifier-head order is determined by the relative temporal sequence of the events referred to by modifier and head. But I show here that Tai’s Principle of Temporal Sequence is unable to account for all cases of verb and modifier ordering. Instead, I argue that the relevant factor is one of modifier scope: modifiers of the VP occur preverbally, and modifiers of the verb occur postverbally. Temporal, result, and generic interpretations associated with some postverbal modification structures are explained on the basis of modifier scope. This study demonstrates that some major characteristics of Mandarin are readily expressed within the theory of Universal Grammar (UG). In particular, the notation of phrase structure (assumed under Chomsky 1981 for example) facilitates an explanation of adverbial modification and of Mandarin grammatical categories. Finally, this study reveals the independence of phrase structure and grammatical categories. For while adverbial modification occurs freely in Mandarin, adverbial modification frequently does not involve adverbs. Unlike the situation in English, the Mandarin class of Adverb is small and closed.

在本文中,我从语言结构的角度,就汉语状语相对于被修饰动词的位置及与此有关的语意区别作了一些解释。一九八一年戴曾经提出状语-动词之语序是由这两类词的相对时间顺序而确定的, 但我认为戴的时间序列原则不足以说明所有动词与其修饰成份间的顺序结构。我认为主要的因素是壮语所修饰的范围:动词短语的状语居前,单个动词的状语置后。在这一基础上,本文进一步阐述了后置修饰结构所持有的时态,结果以及全称意思,而前置修饰结构则不具备这些意思。本文阐明汉语的某些主要特点比较容易用普通语法 (UG) 加以表达。短语结构的表示法(如Chomsky 于一九八一年所指出的)尤其为汉语壮语修饰成分以及语法范畴提供了解释说明。本文表明短语结构和词类是彼此独立的。所以尽管状语可以出现于句子中任何地方,副词却有其特定的位置。在汉语中,它只是有局限性的一小项。

Abstract 摘要
Fifty listeners from each of three Chinese tone languages (Cantonese, Mandarin, Taiwanese) made direct paired-comparison judgments of tone dissimilarity. Stimuli consisted of 19 different fundamental frequency trajectories (5 level, 4 rising, 4 falling, 3 falling-rising, 3 rising-falling) superimposed on a synthetic speech-like monosyllable. The dissimilarities data were organized into 150 dissimilarity matrices and analyzed by the INDSCAL multidimensional scaling model. The INDSCAL analysis revealed two dimensions which were interpreted primarily as “height” and “direction”. Results from an analysis of variance of dimension weights indicated that Cantonese listeners attached relatively more importance to the “height” dimension than either Mandarin or Taiwanese. Hierarchical clustering analysis indicated that differences in clustering of the stimulus tones can be related to abstract structural properties of listeners’ phonological systems.

对五十个来自三种不同中国方言语系(广东话,标准国语,台湾话)的人做直接的音调异同对比辨别测试。包括十九种不同音调频率刺激(五个高低音阶,四个高音,四个低音,三个低高音,三个高低音)重叠在一个由电脑合成的口语化单音节字上。辨别异同音的资料被组合成为150个异同矩阵,输入电脑中经由音得失卡(INDSCAL) 多层面等级模式来分析。音得失卡(INDSCAL) 分析显示‘高低度’和‘高低音向’为两个主要层面。经由变异分析层面比重的结果显示,广东语系的人相对地较标准国语系和台湾语系的人偏重于‘高低度’这一层面。层集分析指出,对刺激音调归类的不同,可能与测试者语音系统的抽象结构特性有关。

Abstract 摘要
This paper deals with two specific types of Mandarin constructions using the two directional verbs lái ‘come’ and qù ‘go’ as complements to preceding main verbs: one with lái or qù before the object and the other with it after. It is argued that an aspectual opposition is found between the two constructions, which can be ascribed to the functional difference between the two orderings of components. Specifically, the construction in which the directional complement follows the object carries motion aspect, while the construction in which it precedes implies a static aspect which is the result of previous motion. The interrelations of syntax and semantics in the two constructions have not been hitherto closely observed in the analysis of directional complements in Mandarin.


Abstract 摘要
It is generally believed that every stressed syllable in Mandarin has a tone and that when a syllable is weak-stressed, the tone becomes neutralized. However, there are stressed neutral-toned syllables as well as weak-stressed toned syllables. Furthermore, while the neutral tone in certain forms (e.g. jiějie ‘elder sister’, yǐzi ‘chair’, etc.) does not trigger a sandhi change, the neutral tone in other forms (e.g. xiáojie ‘unmarried woman’, zóuzou ‘take a walk’, etc.) does. Grammatical approaches to this problem in previous works are found to be inadequate. This paper proposes the following explanation: Neutral tone and weak stress are two separate entities, hence do not interact in terms of cause and effect. In Mandarin there are certain grammatical morphemes which lack tone at both the underlying and the surface level. These are usually weak-stressed. But even when they are normal-stressed, they do not trigger sandhi changes. This category includes suffixes, particles and reduplicated kinship reference terms. In Mandarin, tones are phonemic; stresses are not. Toned syllables may fluctuate between normal and weak stress in accordance with various factors (e.g. sentence intonation, familiarity of the term, emotion, etc.). When a toned syllable is weak-stressed, its duration becomes shorter, and its tonal characteristics less distinct. This is how it is confused with truly toneless syllables. But a weak-stressed toned syllable is still viable in triggering sandhi changes. Indeed, sandhi changes indicate the speaker’s anticipation of a toned syllable, regardless of the degree of tonal retention for that syllable after it survives weak stress. Dictionary listings of the lexical neutral tone items are simply chaotic. The present study examined the tonal readings of 760 disyllabic lexical items as recorded in three sources. The rate of inconsistency or optionality was 72.2%. In the case where a shift between a neutral tone reading and a full tone reading was supposed to signal a change in meaning, 48 out of 55 items (i.e. 87.3%) nullified the claimed distinction. Such inconsistencies not only exist in dictionaries, but also in the intuitions of native speakers. The extensive inconsistencies indeed pertain to fluctuations between normal stress and weak stress for toned syllables rather than between toned syllables and toneless ones. The implication of the above findings is that existing dictionaries need revision with respect to the tonal annotations: All the lexical items marked with the neutral tone should be given their full tones. As to the stress patterns for such toned syllables, they are non-phonemic and variable, hence need not and cannot be prescribed.

国语或普通话之轻声 (neutral tone) 与轻音 (weak stress) 一向被视为互为因果且不可分割。然轻声与重音有时并存,全声 (full tone) 与轻音亦可同在。此外同是所谓轻声词而变调现象却不一致。而类如‘词界’之区分不足以解释其间之差异。本文提出如下解释:国语中某些词素本无声调;此类词素多作轻读,然亦可作重读。而不论轻重读皆不致引起前字之变调。此类词素包括虚词的,了,着,们,子,吗,吧等及亲属称谓之重复词(如姐姐)。国语之轻重音无辩义作用。而带有声调(全声)之词可能因句子之语调,该词之熟悉性,情感,等等因素而于轻重读之间有所变化。带有声调之词轻读时音长变短,调值亦有不同程度之淡化。然不论淡化至何种程度,仍足以引起前字之变调。动词之重复词(如走走),方位词里,作宾语之人称代词,以及语法上无规可循之所谓“轻声词”皆为常作轻读之有声(全声)音节。诸词典内对轻声词之注音往往有所不同。作者以五年之间出版之三本词典内所记之760条双音节词作为比较。其中72.2%之词条各词典之注音不一致或同一词典内有同义之轻重二读。至于所谓轻重音二读作不同解释之论,于55条双音词中之48条(即87.3%)内,此一区别不能成立。声调有辨义作用;轻重读则无。诸词典内双音节词所谓轻声与全声之混乱实为全声音节轻重读之改变。

New Publication 新书

Review 书评

书评:汉语解谜. T.K. Ann 著, Stockflows Co., Ltd., 香港, 1982. 5卷, 3572 页.
Reviewed by Robert S. Bauer 包睿舜



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