Volume 11, No 1
东亚大陆语言发展的方向: 把[以]汉语 '锅', '菜', '喝' 和它们的历史与地区的变体分布为据
Mantaro J. Hashimoto 桥本万太郎
An attempt is made to establish in some principled way the direction of linguistic developments in the East Asian continent, based on the basic lexical items of the Chinese language related to eating and drinking, ‘cooking vessels’, ‘(cooked) dishes’ and the verb ‘to drink’. In order to determine the developmental direction, a) some historical evolutions of the shape and function of cooking vessels and b) regional expansions/reductions of the semantic contents of the verb ‘to drink’ were examined, in addition to the chronological order of these vessels’ transformations and the semantic changes of the verb ‘to drink’ established with the archaeological and philological evidence. The direction and order of the developments were then double-checked with the synchronic distributional patterns of modern Chinese dialectal vocabulary corresponding to these vessel names and various diachronic variants for ‘(cooked) dishes’ and ‘to drink’. Despite the successive occurrences, in the historical documents, of the diachronic variants of these words primarily in the order of the synchronic distribution from the southeastern to the northwestern corner of the continent, it is argued that this order does not necessarily reflect the actual order in which these words came into being in the regional variants of the Chinese language, and some philological evidence for that argument is presented. The order we established reflects the mere appearance order of these diachronic forms in the written history, while the actual words themselves had mostly come into being in the earliest period of the Chinese language. In other words, what is normally described as a linear, longitudinal development along the time axis in the history of the Chinese language often turns out, upon close examination, to be a horizontal or at least diagonal tracing of synchronic distribution of various linguistic phenomena completed in an early stage of the historical period of the language. Here lies, we believe, part of the reason for the beautiful correlations between the longitudinal and latitudinal occurrences of lexical items discussed in his study. The direction we established here by examining the Chinese lexical items related to eating and drinking is supported by the distributional pattern of river names in the East Asian continent examined by geographers.
Recent studies have shown that interpretation of sentences can be largely obtained from surface structures. In Chinese, it has been proposed (by S. F. Huang 1981) that a principle involving the surface left-to-right order of constituents governs the scope facts concerning quantifiers and other logical elements. This paper argues that such a principle lacks generality and is both unnecessary and insufficient. The facts that fall under the linear principle are shown to fall under an independently motivated hierarchical principle involving “c-command”, which is further shown to be of greater generality than the former. Further, the paper argues that the relevant level of scope representation is not SS, but more precisely LF. The evidence adduced to support this claim also demonstrates the existence of certain abstract mapping rules operating between SS and LF.
语法中的范距现象近来有不少学者讨论。随着语法理论的最新发展，一般均同意句子的语意内容，绝大部分已直接表现于表层结构之中。黄宣范教授 (1981) 最近主张中文数量词的相互范距完全可由数量词在表层结构中的前后位置来决定。本文指出此项仅涉及词序的规则既不够周全，亦无必要；较为周全的规则应涉及词组结构中词组与词组的支配（C-Command）的关系。同时，本文列举四种证据，说明表层结构仍不能充分表示范距现象，而必须经过若干运作程序变成逻辑式 (Logical Form) 之后，才能将所有现象表示出来。
The great majority of Singaporean Chinese have a southern Chinese dialect background. Mandarin is an acquired language, but a language of daily use. The Middle Chinese Ru-sheng exists partially and inconsistently in the Mandarin spoken in Singapore. Certain Middle Chinese Ru-sheng Zi appear more often than others in this ‘Fifth Tone’; the same Ru-sheng Zi may sometimes appear in this Fifth Tone and at other times in the correct tone in the speech of the same person. This Fifth Tone also has a falling pitch. While it often differs from Mandarin Tone 4 in being shorter or more tense in the whole syllable, it sometimes appears to be identical to Tone 4. Therefore, it cannot be consistently distinguished from Tone 4. M.C. Ru-sheng Zi syllables which have an -i or -e ending in Mandarin never appear in the Fifth Tone. In this study, 70.9% of the Ru-sheng Zi of Mandarin Tones 1, 2, and 3, ending with the nucleus, appeared in the Fifth Tone. The Hokkien group showed the highest frequency of such a tonal reading, 89.4%. Mandarin 1st Tone characters were most susceptible to this feature, 84.1%; and 3rd Tone characters were least affected, 22.8%. No correlations have been found between the frequencies of the Fifth Tone and certain historical categories as preserved in the Southern dialects. Influences of the Southern dialects is probably the source of the Fifth Tone.
大多数的新加坡人都会说一两种闽粤方言。华语是四种官方语言之一，也是日常生活中的用语。中古音与现代方言里的入声字不完整且不规则地存在于本地的华语里。这个第五声是一个下降调，有时带有一个喉塞音韵尾，有时则不带。因此它有时较华语里的第四声短促，有时则没有分别。在这个调查里有70.9%的方言入声字出现与此第五声。福建人有最大的倾向把方言入声字读作第五声，频率为89.4%。华语里第一声的入声字读作第五声的频率最高，有84.1%, 第三声的字频率最低，只有22.8% 。这个第五声可能是源自闽粤方言的影响。
The present article postulates a bisegmental nature for the grade medials of late Hàn to Liáng Chinese, giving nine possible permutations, and attempts to interpret the proliferation of rhyming categories during the period in terms of allophonic variation of the peak vowels induced by these medial complexes. Only the unrounded peak vowels // and // are considered.
Volume 11, No 2
In my previous study I have contended that there is a universal natural order in the arrangement of linguistic elements in human communications systems, and that this order is governed by cogito-perceptive constraints proper to our species. My arguments are based on my observations in sign languages and oral languages (notably among children). This article is the report of an investigation into the temporal arrangement of the components of archaic Chinese ideograms between the 14th Century B.C. and the 2nd Century A.D., that is, from the oracle bone scripts (jiaguwen，hereafter abbreviated as JGW) to the seal characters (xiaozhuan). It will be shown that, despite the radical morphological modification that these ideograms underwent during this period, the temporal order in the components of both the oracle bone scripts and the seal characters remained subject to constraints of the kind observed in oral and sign languages.
This paper presents a uniform analysis of Mandarin de in all prenominal strings, including cleft and equational structures. It argues that the distinction between cleft and equational sentences is pragmatic, based on the assignment of given and new status to NPs in pre- and post-verbal position, and to the directness of the equation involved, and it refutes claims that the distinction is lexical, determined by differences in de and shì. It further argues that the NP modification marker de in prenominal strings is related to the adverbial modification marker de in terms of its phrase structure specifications, such that both mark modification of a head category at the X” level.
本文把所出现在名词性词串前的 “de” 作统一的分析。这些名词串包括裂开结构 (cleft) 和等式结构。作者证明裂开句和等式句的区别是与实际的语意有关，是由于动词前后名词信息的新旧地位和等式句的直接性而产生的。本文驳斥把这种区别认为词汇性是由 “de” 和 “shi” 来区分的主张。作者更进一步主张在名词词串前的 “de” 和副词的 “de” 是相关的，两者都是语法中标志对 X” 层主导范畴的修饰。
By projecting tone values of modern Chinese dialects spoken in the so-called Central Plains, we became aware that the tonal features projected there reflect a much longer history of the Chinese language than the segmental features do. For instance, the outermost waves could be related to the tone values reconstituted for Tang Chinese around the 9th or 10th century AD, and the second waves to the system reflected in the major source of information on Old Mandarin phonology around the 14th century, while none of this kind survives in the segmental part of modern northern Chinese phonology. Because of the seeming susceptibility to change of syllabic intonations (which suggests less trace of older features than in the case of segments), involvement of Altaic speaakers in the development of northern Chinese can be an explanation for this extraordinary phenomenon.
Robert S. Bauer 包睿舜
The problem of sound change remains an unresolved controversy in linguistics. Two conflicting views of sound change oppose one another with the neogrammarians on the one hand confronting the lexical diffusionists on the other. The lexical diffusion theory of sound change receives support from the following paper which looks closely at two sound changes in progress in Hong Kong Cantonese and reports findings from a study which indicates lexical diffusion as the means of implementation for these two sound changes. This introduction, however, first identifies what the lexical diffusionists regard as errors in the neogrammarian conception of sound change and then examines some of the criticisms which have been made against lexical diffusion.