Diachronic change and language contact dialects in Southeast China
Edited by Hung-nin Samuel Cheung and Song Hing Chang
Published more than 80 years ago, the Studies of Modern Wu Dialects by Yuen Ren Chao laid a solid foundation for the study of Wu dialects and is often regarded as a classic in the field. Since then, much progress has been achieved. There are fields, however, where research has yet be further explored. In our continuous endeavors, we should remember that language survey is the topmost priority in dialectal studies and that we follow the spirit of our forerunner, critical and innovative, breaking new grounds by being ready to modify and advance our theory, methodology and approach. It is hoped that our efforts will bring the study of Wu and other dialects to new heights of accomplishments in the coming years.
Chinese dialectology 汉语方言 Wu dialects 吴语 Studies of Modern Wu Dialects 《现代吴语的研究》
On the basis of the data collected from field work about 30 years ago and by comparing them with materials gathered in recent years, the author argues that there have been increasing contacts, both social and linguistic, between inhabitants in urban Shanghai and those living in the suburban areas. As a result of frequent language contact, the phonology of the suburban dialects has moved rapidly towards the urban system. The current ratio of similarity between the two is as high as 65%. The change is also indicative of the prestige that the urban dialect holds over the suburban varieties.
Dialect 方言 The Shanghai dialect 上海话 Dialects in contact 方言接触
Xiaofan Li 李小凡
There are two kinds of Tone Sandhi phenomena in the Suzhou dialect: (a) a phonetic Tone Sandhi operating with the last syllable as the base, and (b) a phonetic and semantic Tone Sandhi with the first syllable as the base. As the last syllable in (b) is highly neutralized in tone, the prevalence of the phenomenon results in change in tone classes, involving sandhi rules that are completely different from those of the phonetic type. These two types of Tone Sandhi belong to different synchronic levels and they happened in historical strata of different periods. The phonetic sandhi belonged to the main layer in the early period, and the phonetic/semantic sandhi represented an innovative layer, a derivation from the phonetic layer. The phonetic/semantic sandhi initially affected syntactic units such as the aspectual, the reduplicative and the quantifier expressions. The change then spread its influence to other syntactic and lexical units. At present, the change has become the main layer, with the phonetic sandhi remaining as a variant form. The process of derivation from the phonetic/semantic sandhi resembles that of lexical grammaticalization.
Suzhou dialect 苏州方言 Tone Sandhi 连读变调 Base character 基字 Drift 漂移 Synchronic level 共时层面 Diachronic strata 历史层次 Syntax diffusion 语法扩散 Grammaticalization 语法化
This paper studies two special tonal phenomena of the Haiyan dialect: the influence of aspirated stops on tones, and the tonal split of the Yangshang tone in relation to initial devoicing. There are three parts in this paper. Part one is a brief description of the sound system of Haiyan; Part two addresses the influence of aspirated stops on tones; and Part three discusses the tonal split of the Yangshang and also the devoicing of the initial stop.
Wu dialects 吴方言 Influence of aspirated stops on tones 送气分调 Stop devoicing of the Yangshang 古全浊声母清化
Nairong Qian 钱乃荣
In the book Huyu Bian Shang (The Shanghai Dialect Guide for Visiting Traders]), published 100 years ago, we identify the use of “”compound tense””, which have different combinations of “Tense” and “Aspect”, in the Shanghai dialect. This paper discusses six kinds of compound tenses and other aspects.
The Shanghai Dialect Guide for Visiting Traders 《沪语便商》 The Shanghai Dialect 上海方言 Compound tense 复合时态
This article is an analysis, from the phonemic point of view, of the vowel alternations occurring with some tonemes called Bianyin in the Fuzhou Dialect. The author divides the tonemes of the dialect into the glottalized and unglottalized groups, and presumes that the glottalization, originally being a device to distinguish the lower falling tones from the higher, made the vowels lower or back, thus resulted in the Bianyin. He divides the Bianyin into the phonetic Bianyin and the phonemic Bianyin, the former being only phonetic variations of vowels, while the latter having already evolved to morpho-phonemic alternations. The phonemic Bianyin will be maintained even after the glottalized tonemes lose their glottalization and change to high tones, the Bianyin in some Northern Mindong dialects would be an example. Finally, the author offers some critical remarks on the opinion that would treat Bianyin as a case of lexical diffusions.
Fuzhou dialect 福州方言 Bianyin 变韵 Glottalization 紧喉 Phonemic interpretation 音位解释
Chinfa Lien 连金发
This paper explores desiderative modals such as beɁ4, ai3 and negative words such as m7, bo5 and bue7/be7 with respect to their individual semantic properties and the meanings that arise in combination with other words. As attested in authentic data, the interpretations of these words have an intimate relationship with the constructions in which they occur. A finding in this paper is that asymmetric relation between form and meaning is shown in monosyllabic words such as beɁ4, ai3 and m7, whereas when they are changed into disyllabic words the meaning becomes more explicit and less susceptible to ambiguity. As a result, earlier monosyllabic and newly developing disyllabic words form a picture of coexistence and even competition.
Desideration 欲求 Modal 情态 Negation 否定 Competition 竞争 Taiwanese Southern Min 台湾闽南语
Song hing Chang 张双庆; Ruiyuan Xu 徐睿渊
A close comparison of more than 2,000 words in the dialects of the native Southern-Min region indicates a high level of lexical uniformity, especially among Quanzhou, Xiamen and Zhangzhou. While Longyang displays some influence from Hakka, Datian shows influence from Middle and Northern Min.
Native Southern-min Dialects 本土闽南话 The Uniformity of Vocabularies 词汇一致性
The Dongshi Hakka is one of the Dapu varieties. There are six vowels: [i, ö, e, a, o, u]. The apical vowel [ö] occurs only after [ts, tsh, s] and [tS, tSh, S] and it is not followed by any consonant. The other five vowels constitute 62 Finals, abiding by the CGVE syllable structure together with 4 constraints. The four constraints or rules are: (a) Dissimilation Constraint, precluding any vowel of the same [back] feature from constituting a diphthong; (b) Assimilation Constraint, stopping a vowel and its following consonant from sharing different [back] features. (c) Diphthong Principle, demanding that one of the diphthong vowels should be a high vowel; and (d) Labial Constraint, prohibiting any syllable in which the onset and the coda are both labial sounds.
台湾东势客家话属于大埔客家话的一种，有六个元音，分别为[i, ö, e, a, o, u]，其中舌尖元音[ö]只接在[ts, tsh, s]等三个舌尖音之后，且东势客家话绝对没有*öC(C=任何辅音)之类的音节。其它五个元音，则可以依据汉语音节结构的要求，相互结合形成复合元音，包括双元音及三合元音。这五个元音还可以和-m/p, -n/t, -/k等三对辅音共同形成62个韵母（不含m, n, N三个可以自成音节的辅音）。 本文以四个简单的规律，把东势客家话的五个元音，和三对辅音韵尾-m/p, -n/t, -/k结合而成的62韵母，做个结构归纳，并解释某些应该可以出现，而没有出现的韵母或音节形式。这四个规律或制约为：(a)复合元音的异化制约，排除了具有相同前后音值的元音结合成复合元音。(b)元音与韵尾结合的同化限制，排除了元音与韵尾具有不同后音值的韵母结构。(c)复合元音内的组成成分至少要有一个高元音，因为客家话的介音一定是[i]或[u]。(d)唇音异化：如果韵尾是唇音，则声母不能是唇音。
Hakka phonology 客家音系学 Rime structure 韵母结构 Dongshi Hakka 东势客家话
Chusheng Zhuang 庄初升
The paper studies the use of nominal expression in Hong Kong Hakka as observed in an 1879 colloquial language textbook, entitled Qimeng qianxue. With the help of an EXCEL classification program, we are able to conduct a comparison between the textbook language and the modern day Hakka as spoken in the New Territories. This paper observes various patterns of development in the last hundred years. It also notes other historical and social factors responsible for the changes.
The Basel Missionary Society 巴色会 New Territories of Hong Kong 香港新界 Hakka dialect 客家方言 Noun 名词 Noun phrase 名词性短语 Lexical changes 词汇演变
Kwan hin Cheung 张群显; Ling Zhang 张凌
Syllable isochrony in general and motivated syllable lengthening at times in Cantonese are no contradiction; in fact they corroborate each other. Signaling of sentence stress is one of the functions that syllable lengthening fulfils in Cantonese. This paper compares the duration structures of stressed (therefore lengthened) and non-stressed syllables, so as to see the effect of syllable lengthening on the duration of the syllable nucleus (V) vis-a-vis that of the coda (Cd). The paper is based on an experiment with two informants, one male (M) and one female (F). The experiment has two parts. Part 1 looks at how the trochaic (long V, short Cd) rimes and iambic (short V, long Cd) rimes behave, respectively, across the three types of rimes classified according to manner of articulation of coda, namely, vowel vs. nasal vs. stop. The results show that, with the exception of iambic rimes with stop coda, all the other five types of V-Cd configuration exhibit the pattern of putting the burden of lengthening mainly on the part (V or Cd) that has the “long” attribute. Iambic rimes with stop coda, on the other hand, put that burden mainly on the V, which originally has the “short” attribute. Part 2 is focused on rimes with stop coda, which show anomaly in Part 1. The rimes [aːt] and [ɐt] (representing trochee and iamb respectively) combine with different following onsets exhaustively to give a larger sample. The results corroborate the pattern exhibited in Part 1 as far as F is concerned. As for M, the results are somewhat mixed. While the majority cases are compatible with F, the remainder cases (applicable to trochaic and iambic rimes alike) are disparate and defy clear pattern abstraction. The pattern that F exhibits throughout and M exhibits in the majority of cases corroborates our observation of the general behavior of native speakers of Cantonese. One can assume that this is the normal behavior of native Cantonese speakers. In this behavior, the singular pattern applicable to iambic rimes with stop coda, namely that it is mainly the V with the “short” attribute that is lengthened to achieve syllable lengthening, can be explained by the fact that a stop coda in Cantonese typically assumes a period of time without audible phonetic signal, and thus does not lend itself to lengthening.
粤语音节时长的相对固定，跟粤语在特定情况下个别音节须要延长，两者之间不但并无矛盾，还是相辅相成的。音节延长的理由不一，其中一个理由是用以体现句子重读。本文主要通过比较非重读音节与重读(意味延长)音节的时长表现，审视粤语音节的延长对韵腹韵尾时长有怎样的影响。 本文所据的实验有一男一女两个发音合作人，实验分成两部分。第一部分看元音尾、鼻音尾、塞音尾三种韵母类型的音节在被延长时韵腹韵尾时长比例的变化。结果显示，除了短腹长塞尾的情况外，其余五种情况都划一地把延长音节的任务主要由原来就属长的韵腹或韵尾来担负；但短腹长塞尾类型的韵母则与别不同地主要把自身属短型的韵腹来拉长。 第二部分实验集中看在第一部分表现异常的塞尾韵，用穷尽性的后接声母搭配去扩大样本，进一步检视[aːt]、[ɐt]两韵(分别代表长腹和短腹两种类型)的不同表现。结果显示，女合作人的表现完全符合第一部分的表现；男合作人则有点反复：大部分情况与女合作人的情况细节不同而大体相类，但不论长腹韵或短腹韵，都有小部分情况表现异常，未有明显的规律性。女合作人的全部表现和那占男合作人大部分情况的相类表现，基本符合我们对粤语母语者一般表现的观察。我们可以假定这就是粤语母语者的正常表现。在这种表现之下，粤语短腹塞尾型韵「主要通过延长本来属短型的韵腹去延长音节」这异于其他韵类的现象，可从塞尾本身体现为语音空白因而不宜拉长而得到解释。
Syllable lengthening 音节延长 Duration 时长 Stress 重读 Syllable nucleus 韵腹韵尾 Coda 长短 Vowel 元音
This study attempts to explore from both semantic and syntactic perspectives the various uses of bei in early Cantonese, including a verb of giving, a dative marker, an instrument marker, a causative marker and a passive marker. We propose that the above uses originated from bei’s Idealized Cognitive Model of the act of giving. Three features of the act of giving, i.e. benefit, the use of hands and the transfer of possession, motivated the verb of bei to develop into a dative marker, an instrument marker and a causative marker, respectively. The uses of bei as an instrument marker and a causative marker further evolved into a passive use based on different conditions. While the presence of a patient subject caused the instrument marker bei to develop into a passive marker, the loss of control of the subject, especially when a negative sentence and a sensory verb or a non-action verb are involved, easily triggered the causative marker bei to become a passive marker.
Bei-sentences 畀字句 Early Cantonese 早期粤语 Grammaticalization 语法化 Semantics 语义 Syntax 句法
Po Yee Chiu 丘宝怡
This paper discusses the semantic similarities and changes in the use of the potential complement ‘V-dak-X’ and ‘A-dak-X’ in Cantonese from 1828 to the present time. As not all ‘A-dak-X’ experiences in Cantonese carry a potential reading, attempts are made to find out the semantic features, that determine the potential reading in ‘A-dak-X’.
Cantonese 粤语 Grammar 语法 Potential Complements 能性述补结构 V-DAK-X V得X A-DAK-X A得X
语言接触中的语法变化：论南宁粤语「述语 + 宾语 + 补语」结构的来源
Bit-chee Kwok 郭必之
This paper aims at exploring the origin of the peculiar “verb + object + complement” construction (“VOC” construction) in Nanning Yue, a Yue dialect closely related to Standard Cantonese. It is pointed out that the “VOC” construction in Nanning Yue is not an archaic feature, but a result of “shift-induced interference” (cf. Thomason 2001) when a large number of Zhuang speakers, who used “VOC” construction in their mother tongue, shifted to Nanning Yue about a century ago. The examples shown in this paper provide solid evidence in support of Chen’s (2005) theory, that suggests that “shift-induced interference” plays an important role in the divergence of Chinese dialects.
属于邕浔片粤语的南宁话，有一种罕见于汉语方言的「述宾补」(VOC) 结构，如「食饭饱」、「饮酒醉」等。本文给出了充份的证据，认为这是和同样使用「VOC」的壮语接触后的结果，和中古流行的「隔开式」述补结构没有任何关系。文中以 Thomason (2001) 的「转用干扰」说作为立论的主干，指出南宁地区的壮人在语言转换时，把自己母语的特点带到目标语 (粤语) 里去。陈保亚 (2005) 主张「转用干扰」是汉语方言形成其中一个重要的源头，本文的例子为他的学说提供了鲜活的证据。
Nanning Yue 南宁粤语 Zhuang language 壮语 Language contact 语言接触 Shift-induced interference 转用干扰 Verb complement construction 述补结构
Yi Lin 林亦
The verbs for give in the Yue dialects of Central and Western Guangxi are different from those found in Guangdong. In the Bai dialects of Nanning and Youjiang, both [kɐi] (with a yangping tone) and 畀 [pei35] are used. In Guangdong, however, the verb [kɐi55] is gaining prominence. The word commonly used in the Pinghua dialects of Southern Guangxi is [kɐi] (with a yinqu tone) or its corresponding variants. Drawing upon the previous studies of the 19th century Yue language and by comparing Yue with neighboring Zhuang languages, this paper aims at exploring the origin and usages of the give-verb, with a focus on its phonological development, semantic functions, and the process of grammaticalization.
The give-verb「给予」 Verb 动词 Yue dialects 粤方言 Zhuang languages 壮语 Language contact 语言接触
Down through the history of their contact over more than 200 years, Cantonese has borrowed many words from English and assimilated them into its lexicon primarily via phonetic transliteration. Although Cantonese has developed a written form, it has never been formally standardized. One result of the lack of standardization has been variation in both the phonetic and graphemic representations of loanwords, with some loanwords having two or more competing pronunciations and written forms; further, the means of graphemic representation also varies with some loanwords being written entirely with Chinese characters, or entirely with letters of the English alphabet, or in a combination of Chinese characters and letters together. Some degree of systematicity underlies this variability and so allows us to identify five main ways by which English loanwords are being graphemically represented in the contemporary Cantonese language of Hong Kong.
两百多年前，在广东省粤语和英语已经开始有历史性的接触关系。粤语与英语之间的密切接触，使这两种语言的发展相互影响。很明显的标志之一，是粤语从十九世纪开始一直到现在，使用音译方法借用很多英语词汇。同时这些借词也丰富了粤语的词库。 在1997年以前香港是英国殖民地, 所以在香港英语是一种重要的政治和经济语言。不过在社会方面, 粤语不但是香港人口头的优势语言, 同时也逐渐演变成书面语。 由于书面粤语还没通过标准化书写的过程, 所以英语借词不一定有固定的发音或写法, 换言之, 在发音和书写方面, 有些借词有变异现象, 有些借词可能有两种或两种以上的发音和写法。因此, 我们发现有些借词是完全用汉字写成的, 也有一部分完全是用拉丁字母写成的, 还有一些借词是把汉字和拉丁字母合并而成. 虽然借词有变异情况, 不过它们的书写方法还具有系统性的特点。据此，我们可以说, 现代香港书面粤语使用五种基本的书写方法来代表英语借词。
Cantonese 粤语 English loanwords 英语借词 Graphemic representation 书写方法
There has been a controversy as to which language family the Shehua (畬話) belongs to and what relations it has to do with the Sheyu (畬語). The paper examines the issues with an emphasis on the basic core vocabulary and its shared innovation in phonology. It concludes that Shehua should be classified as one of the branches of the modern Hakka dialect and that it could be derived from the same ancestor language with Sheyu in the past.
Shehua 畬话 Sheyu 畬语 Hakka dialect 客家话 Basic core vocabulary 基本词汇 Shared innovation 共同创新 Genetic affiliation 归属
Chung-sze Tung 董忠司
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the behavior of the medial in Hui and other Chinese dialects. Rather than being categorized as a member of Northern Chinese where there is a 4-way distinction among medials, the Hui language belongs to a three-tier medial system, similar to what we find in dialects in Southeast China. Furthermore, we believe that the phonological system underlying the Hui language is one in which there is no medial, but there are initials with labiolization and palatalization. We conclude that, by comparing special medial sounds in Hui with what we find in Southeast China, the Hui language displays an historical inheritance from the past, a linguistic novelty of its own, and possibly influence from aboriginal languages in the area.
Medial sounds 介音 Hui dialects 徽语 Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Language contact 语言接触 Substratum 底层语言 Language change 历史演变
It is generally believed that the phonological modification of diminutive in Wuhan and some of its neighboring dialects is a matter of R-suffixation. The actual changes are, however, so different from the typical R-suffixation. In this paper, we suggest that the modified forms in Wuhan represents the residues of diminutive nasal endings, and not a result of the R-suffixation.
In the diminutive rimes of Wuhan Dialect, the original codas are replaced by /n/ and the original vowels are neutralized as a result of vowel nasalization，eventually yielding and . For example, .
Within the framework of the grammaticalization cycle (Tsao, 2006) and also on the basis of a the cross-dialectal comparison, we find convergent rime changes in a number of other dialects similar to those in Wuhan. Thus, in this paper, we argue that the diminutive forms in Wuhan dialect are residues of nasal suffixation, instead of R-suffixation. The nasal suffixation results in syllabic changes and vowel convergences. We believe that in the past diminutive nasal endings were productive in Wuhan, as in the case of the Wu dialects. Towards the end of the grammaticalization cycle, however, the nasalized vowels, which served as the diminutive marker at that stage, are denasalized, ending with the diminutive forms in today’s Wuhan dialect.
武汉方言的小称音变一般被认为是儿化韵的残留。然而，我们对武汉方言的小称音变之语音结构以及语意进行实地考察及探索，提出武汉方言的小称音变现象极有可能为鼻音尾/鼻化小称的残余，而非一般认为的「类儿化音变」。 武汉方言的音变特点是只发生在有韵尾的字，分别是 [i]、[u]、[n]、[ŋ]四个韵尾。在音变形式中，本音的韵尾丢失，而核心韵母的音质则略为修改并且有中和的现象。我们采用曹逢甫(2006)汉语方言鼻音尾/鼻化小称语法化輪回的架构，論证武汉方言的小称音变应该是由鼻音尾 –n 的加缀所引起；此外，-n 的加缀还导致词干音节结构的改变以及元音趋同为前中元音 [Ɛ] 及后中元音 [Ɔ]。 曹逢甫(2006)汉语方言鼻音尾/鼻化小称语法化輪回的架构提到，当鼻音尾／鼻化小称词虚化到成为一种残留的现象时，会发展出固定的小称调。像这样在原本的小称词虚化后，以变调做为补偿的例子，也可以在武汉方言里发现。 基于以上几项论证我们很有理由相信在多少年前武汉方言应有一段很长的时间具有鼻音尾小称词 –n。这个鼻音尾小称, 跟现代吴方言的鼻音尾小称一样，后来都经验了词干韵尾取代、鼻化韵母形成、鼻化韵母合并、声调合并以及去鼻化韵的阶段。而目前残留的例外字正是演化过程不同阶段所留下的语言「化石」。
Wuhan dialect 武汉方言 Diminutive rime change 小称音变 R-suffixation 类儿化音变 Diminutive nasal ending/nasalization 鼻音尾／鼻化小称词 Vowel convergence 元音趋同 Diminutive forms 小称调
There are many cases in Chinese dialects where a zero-onset in a syllable has changed into a nasal onset. The nasalization may take place before a high vowel, or a low vowel, or before both. This paper studies a few of these cases and analyzes the mechanism responsible for such changes.
Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Zero-initial 零声母 Vowel height 洪细 Nasalization 鼻化