The subgroup structure of the Tai languages: A historical-comparative study
台语子分类结构：历史比较性研究
By Yongxian Luo 罗永现 著
Chapter 章节
Abstract 摘要
1.1 AIM AND SCOPE OF THE PRESENT WORK (P. 1)
This work is a contribution to the historical-comparative study of the Tai languages. The focus is on sub grouping in the Tai family, with special attention devoted to utilizing new sources from Tai languages spoken in China’s Yunnan and Guangxi (Kwangsi) provinces. More specifically, it aims to reevaluate Fang Kuei Li’s monumental work, A Handbook of Comparative Tai (1977). The proposals put forward by Li with regards to the internal relationships of the Tai language family will be investigated and assessed in the light of a substantial body of new evidence: over 900 Tai cognate sets.
In reassessing Li’s work, this work will examine the following questions: (i) What are the workable criteria for sub grouping in the Tai languages? (ii) How and to what extent do differing criteria support the same subgroup model? (iii) In particular, in addition to phonological criteria, what dominate lexical and semantic features can be used to establish subgroups of dialects of the Tai languages? (iv) In terms of available data, what looks reasonable as a reconstructed system for PT initials? (v) To what extents does Li’s three-branch theory remain viable as a classification of Tai dialects? (vi) Can questions of Tai sub grouping benefit from historical and philological evidence, and if so, how?
The scope of this study will be limited to some correlated issues in Li’s work, namely, Li’s inventory of Proto-Tai initials, tonal irregularities, differential phonological and lexical subgroup traits, along with the plausibility of active morphophonemic process and derivational morphology in Proto-Tai. For lack of space, vowels will not be treated in detail, although attention will be given to one particular conditioned change, suggesting implications for future work. On the other hand, this study will briefly look at an extra type of sources which are not directly related to Li’s HCT and which fall outside the scope of the comparative method in its narrow sense: Chinese philological evidence for certain convergences between Tai and Chinese. A final more general aim concerns the viability of normal assumptions of historical-comparative linguistics as applied in the Tai case.
Abstract 摘要
2. LI’S CLASSIFICATION OF THE TAI LANGUAGES: A CRITIQUE
2.0 Introduction
2.1 Li’s Reconstructions of Proto- Tai
2.1.1 Typological features of the Tai languages
2.1.2 Li’s Proto-Tai Phonemic Inventory
2.1.2.1 Initial Consonants
2.1.2.2 Tones
2.1.2.3 Li’s Subgroup Criteria: Tone Differentiation and Coalescence
2.1.2.4 Vowels
2.1.3 Common Patterns of Sound Correspondences among Tai Dialects
2.1.3.1 Regular Correspondences in Synchronic Perspective
2.1.3.2 Recurrent Patterns of Sound Change
2.2 The Northern Branch
2.2.1 Li’s Northern features
2.2.2 Comments on Li’s Northern Branch features
2.3 The Central Branch
2.3.1 Li’s Account
2.3.2 Comments on the Central Branch
2.3.3 Summary on the Central Branch
2.4 The Southwestern Branch
2.4.1 Philological Evidence
2.4.2 Li’s Account
2.4.3 Additional Features
2.4.4 Comments on Li’s SW Features
2.4.5 Internal Subgrouping in SW
2.4.6 Summary of Southwestern Tai
2.5 Summary of Li’s Classification
2.6 Further Facts and Facets
2.6.1 Li’s Reconstructions Reconsidered: Initial Consonants
2.6.1.1 Dentals/Dental Clusters for Labial Clusters
2.6.1.2 Simple Dental/Liquids for Dental Clusters
2.6.1.3 Labial for Liquid
2.6.1.4 Sibilants for Velars
2.6.1.5 Simple Liquid for Velar Cluster
2.6.1.6 The Need to Reconstruct Sibilant Clusters
2.6.2 Summary of Initial Consonants
2.6.3 Some Reflections on Li’s Proto-Tai Vowels
2.6.3.1 Conditioning Factors for *e-lowering
2.6.3.2 /e/ in Open Syllables—*ε-Raising or *e-Retention?
2.6.3.3 Back Vowels /o/ and /ɔ/
2.6.4 Summary of Vowels
2.7 Summary of Chapter
Abstract 摘要
3. EXPANDING THE PROTO-TAI LEXICON— A SUPPLEMENT TO LI (1977)
3.0 Introduction
3.1 New Pan-Tai Cognates
3.1.1 Nature and Environment
3.1.2 Agricultural Terms
3.1.3 Body Part Terms
3.1.4. Cultural Beliefs, Social Activities and Residual Items
3.1.5 Pan-Tai Status for Formerly Restricted Items
3.2. Regional/Dialect Words: Implications for Subgrouping
3.2.1 Northern vs. Non-Northern
3.2.2 Non-Southwestern vs. Southwestern
3.2.2.1 The Central-Northern Alliance
3.2.2.2 The Southwestern Group
3.2.2.3 The Southwestern-Northern Connection
3.2.2.4 Terms for Social Organization
3.2.2.5 The Case of Dehong: Implications for Lexical Classification
3.2.2.6 Summary on Dialect Words
3.3 Negation in Tai in Historical-Comparative Perspective
3.3.1 Comparative Data
3.3.2 Discussion
3.3.2.1 Li’s Reconstructions
3.3.2.2 New Cognates
3.3.3 Comparison with Kam-Sui and Chinese
3.3.3.1 Comparison with Kam-Sui
3.3.3.2 Comparison with Chinese
3.3.4 Summary on Negation
3.4 Summary of Findings: Implications for Tai Subgrouping
Abstract 摘要
4. EVIDENCE FOR A SERIES OF SIBILANT CLUSTERS IN TAI AND SINO-TAI RELATIONSHIP
4.0 Introduction
4.1 The Phenomenon
4.2 Internal Evidence
4.2.1 The Data
4.2.2 Sibilants + r
4.2.2.1 *sr-
4.2.2.2 *zr-
4.2.2.3 *žr-
4.2.2.4 *Zr-
4.2.2.5 *ǰr-
4.2.3 Sibilants + l
4.2.3.1 *sl-
4.2.3.2 *zl-
4.2.3.3 *žl-
4.2.3.4 *ǰl-
4.2.4 Sibilants + Dentals +Liquids
4.2.4.1 *st-
4.2.4.2 *stl-
4.2.4.3 *ztr-
4.2.4.4 *ǰr-
4.2.5 Sibilants + Velars (+ Liquids)
4.2.5.1 *škh-
4.2.5.2 *sKL-
4.2.5.3 *Zkl-
4.2.5.4 *zgr-
4.2.5.5 *žgr-
4.2.6 Sibilants + Labials
4.2.6.1 *sb-
4.2.6.2 *šm-
4.2.7 Summary of Internal Evidence
4.3. External Evidence
4.3.1 Kam-Sui
4.3.2 Hlai
4.3.2.1 Hlai /z/ = Tai /I/, /r/
4.3.2.2 Hlai /ɬ/ = Tai/l/
4.3.2.3 Hlai /tsh/ = Tai /r/, /h/, /s/
4.3.2.4 Hlai /r/ = Tai /s/
4.3.3 Chinese and Tai
4.3.3.1 Sibilant Clusters in Old Chinese
4.3.3.2 The Chinese-Tai Connection
4.3.3.3 Chinese liquids vs. Tai sibilants
4.3.3.4 Chinese Retroflexes vs. Tai Liquids and Dental Clusters
4.3.3.5 Chinese Aspirated Affricates vs. Tai Liquids
4.3.3.6 Chinese Dental Fricatives vs. Tai Liquids/Dental Clusters
4.3.3.7 Chinese Semivowel vs. Tai Liquids
4.3.3.8 Chinese Retroflexes vs. Tai Liquids or Dental Clusters
4.3.4 Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien)
4.4 Summary
Abstract 摘要
5. TONAL IRREGULARITIES IN TAI REVISITED
5.0 Introduction
5.1 Tonal Irregularities: Some Synchronic Facts
5.1.1 Some Regular Patterns of Tonal Irregularities in Tai
5.1.2 More Tonal Irregularities
5.1.2.1 Dehong A2—Fengshan C2
5.1.2.2 Dehong C2—Fengshan A2
5.1.2.3 Dehong B2—Fengshan C2
5.1.2.4 Dehong C2—Fengshan B2
5.1.2.5 Dehong C2—Fengshan C1
5.1.2.6 Dehong A1/2—Fengshan B2
5.1.2.7 Dehong A1—Fengshan B1
5.1.2.8 Dehong A1—Fengshan C1
5.1.2.9 Dehong B1—Fengshan C1
5.1.3 Tonal Alternations in Some Modern Dialects
5.1.4 Common Patterns of Tonal Coalescence in Tai
5.1.5 Further Tone Split
5.1.5.1 Split of C1 in the Northern Tai Dialects
5.1.5.2 Split of B1 in the Northern Tai Dialects
5.2 Discussion
5.2.1 Tone A
5.2.1.1 Fluctuation of A1 and A2 between Non-Northern and Northern Tai Dialects
5.2.1.2 Non-distinction of A1 and A2
5.2.1.3 Conditional Shift
5.2.1.4 Further Split of A1
5.2.1.5 A2 and C2
5.2.1.6 Summary
5.2.2 Tone B
5.2.2.1 Shift of B1 and B2
5.2.2.2 B1 and C1
5.2.2.3 B2 and C2
5.2.2.4 Summary of tone B
5.2.3 Tone C
5.2.3.1 C1 and B1
5.2.3.2 Shift of C1 into B2
5.2.3.3 SW/CT C1 vs. NT C2
5.2.3.4 Southwestern Tai B2 vs Northern Tai C2
5.2.3.5 C1 vs. A1
5.2.3.6 Summary of Tone C
5.2.4 Tone D
5.2.4.1 Non-Northern D1S vs Northern D2S
5.2.4.2 Shift between D1L and D2L
5.2.4.3 Summary of Tone D
5.3 Summary of Chapter
Abstract 摘要
6. WORD FAMILIES IN TAI: A PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Some Word Families in Tai
6.2.1 The C-om/um Type
6.2.1.1 Sibilant + um—‘Wet, soak/immerse’
6.2.1.2 Sibilant + om/em—“sharp-pointed/Stab/wedge’
6.2.1.3 Liquid + om—‘TO fall, topple, collapse’
6.2.1.4 r/s/t + om—‘To gather together, to collect/gather around’
6.2.1.5 k + om—‘To cover/conceal/obstruct from view’
6.2.1.6 k + am—‘Hold with the hands/capture/feel, touch’
6.2.1.7 k + an—‘Stem/handle/crosswise’
6.2.2 The C-ŋ Group
6.2.2.1 k + aaŋ—‘Wide, board/extend/crosswise’
6.2.2.2 k +oŋ—‘To bend/crooked/bow’
6.2.2.3 k/h + a/oŋ— ‘To make noise/to echo’
6.2.3 ‘To Hit/Strike/Pound/Collide’
6.2.3.1 Dental stops + V
6.2.3.2 t + V +k/ŋ
6.2.3.3 t + m/p
6.2.4 The k/t + on/t Type
6.2.4.1 k + on/t—‘To cut, reap, slice, prevent’
6.2.4.2 t/r/l + on/t—‘Section/piece/chunk’ and ‘detached, come off’
6.2.5 The p/b-en Type—‘Board, Plank/Flat/Sheet/Plate
6.2.6 ‘Split/Divide/Separate’~‘Spread/Unfold/Multiply’
6.2.6.1 Labials + Vowels—‘Spread/enlarge/separate’
6.2.6.2 Labials + Vowels + k/ŋ
6.2.6.3 Labials + Vowels + n/t
6.2.7 The k-V Type
6.2.7.1 ‘To Call/shout/utter’
6.2.7.2 ‘Twist/entwine/wind around’
6.3 Summary of Results
Abstract 摘要
7. CONCLUSION: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
7.1 The Utility of the Comparative Method to Proto-Tai Reconstruction
7.2 Lexical Classification and Phonological Classification: Which is a More Viable Tool?
7.3 Historical Evidence and a Possible Northwestern Subgroup
7.4 Future Directions: Loan Contact, Genetic Relationship, and Evidence for Sino-Tai
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