Volume 32 No 1
中国语言学史的先驱: 方济各 瓦罗 (1627-1687)
Matthew Chen 陈渊泉
Francisco Varo’s Arte de la Lengua Mandarina (Canton, 1703) is the first Chinese grammar worthy of its name. From the phonological perspective, its significance derives from the fact that it (a) provided the earliest precise formulation of tone sandhi rules in Chinese – at least in a Western language; (b) sought to give plausible phonetic motivations for the pitch changes observed; and (c) offered insightful comments on such topics as underlying vs. surface tones, the function of tonal distinctions and compounding, etc.
Danqing Liu 刘丹青
This paper examines identical (copying) topic (IT) structure in Mandarin Chinese and Shanghainese. IT structure is very common in Sino-Tibetan languages and can be attested in all the diachronic and areal varieties of Chinese. IT consists of a nominal, verbal or adjectival element. Different syntactic categories are often neutralized at this position, nominals taking no referential encoding while verbals taking no tense/aspect marking. IT is semantically empty, and is usually in an unbounded state. It properly follows the principle of “Frame Being Bigger than Content”. IT structure is a construction with one element occurring as both topic and focus, resulting in pragmatic roles such as emphasis, affirmation and concession. It also develops a linking function for coordinate clauses from the contrastive function of topics. IT results from the grammaticalization of conditionals. Violating the principle of linguistic economy, IT exists only in topic prominent languages. It is a better candidate for characterizing topic prominent languages than so-called Chinese style topics, i.e., non-gap topics.
Identical topic 同一性话题 Unbounded elements 无界成份 Principle of frame being bigger 框架大于内容原则 Topic prominent language 话题优先语言 Grammaticalization 语法化
Juan Liu 刘娟
It is usually assumed that all Middle Chinese voiced obstruent initials became aspirated after devoicing in modern Hakka and Gan dialects, irrespective of ancient tone categories. Further examination of the modern reflexes of these initials in Meixian and Nanchang dialects, utilizing the DOC database, indicates that a number of words with Middle Chinese voiced obstruent initials are currently unaspirated. Moreover, the findings of the systematic distribution of such words in most Hakka and Gan dialect areas indicate that they are indeed residues of the Aspiration Sound Change. This sound change has been undergoing a process of lexical diffusion. A careful examination of these unaspirated words in two versions of DOC, which are respectively based on the two editions of Hanyu Fangyin Zihui, further reveals that this process is still continuing. The striking resemblance that Meixian and Nanchang bear, either on the aspirated or unaspirated words, together with the sharp contrasts they make with other dialect localities included in DOC, lend strong support to the observation that there is close genetic relationship between Hakka and Gan. The different rates and directions of these changes, that Hakka and Gan are undergoing, show that the two dialects are currently developing in divergent ways. The present study can amplify existing speculations concerning the formation of Hakka and Gan dialects. It also can stimulate linguists to think and to probe more deeply into issues about the future division of Chinese dialects.
Hakka and Gan dialect 客赣方言 Middle Chinese voiced obstruents 中古全浊塞音 Aspiration sound change 送气音变 DOC
This paper takes a corpus-driven approach to re-examine the widespread synonymy view regarding Mandarin lian…dou and lian…ye, through a scrutiny of how they are actually manifested in natural language use. With corpus data, first of all, we verify the constructional statuses of lian…dou and lian…ye, and show that the two constructions are crucially distinguished via a split preference of focalization. Second, we argue that the split preference can be adequately explained by a comparison between the usage patterns of ye and dou. Third, our findings suggest an inheritance effect and interaction between related constructions. Finally, it is proposed that the constructionist approaches will benefit from investigating such subtleties in discourse usage as revealed in this study.
根据语料库所搜集到的自然语料, 本论文检视过往将中文里的“连…都”与“连…也” 两连词视为同义的正确性。 我们先证实此二连词的确构成了所谓的‘句式结构’,并指出它们其实并不同义 — 因为‘也’与‘都’的语意不同,“连…都”与“连…也”所着重的语意焦点也不相同。本研究因而凸显了构式的来源及语言互动对于语意了解的重要性。也说明了构式语法理论可藉由分析言谈篇章及大量的真实语料,充分解释类似的语言结构之间的微妙差异。
Focus particle 焦点小词 Focus adverb 焦点副词 Quantification 量化 Focus scope 焦点范围 Focus association 焦点关联
This paper examines the structure of /iu/ and /ui/ in Sixian Hakka by means of phonological processes, syllable contraction, co-occurrence restrictions, rhyming patterns, and phonetic measurement. Except co-occurrence restrictions, which fail to reflect the compositional structure of the two diphthongs under investigation, all other linguistic evidence shows that /iu/ is a falling diphthong, and /ui/ is a rising diphthong. The result has two theoretical implications. One indicates that the X-theory (Levin 1985) together with a language-specific sonority hierarchy pinpoints the syllable structure of Sixian Hakka. The other reveals that Kiparsky’s (1979) sonority scale of a > e > o > i > u holds true in Sixian Hakka.
本文藉由音韵规律、音节缩减、共存限制、押韵型态以及语音丈量审视四县客语/iu/与/ui/的组成结构。发现除了共存限制不足为凭，其余的语言证据都显示/iu/是降双元音，而/ui/是升双元音。本文论证结果有两项理论上的贡献：一是 Levin (1985)的X空缺理论加上个别语言的响度排比可以确实描述四县客语的音节结构；一是Kiparsky (1979)的响度排比 a > e > o > i > u 适用于四县客语。
Onset friction 声母摩擦化 Syllable contraction 音节缩减 Co-occurence restriction 共存限制 Rhyming patterns 押韵类型 Energy amplitude 能量强度
Volume 32 No 2
李方桂先生的上古汉语里的 *-i-/*-ji- 对比
Zev Handel 韩哲夫
This paper considers an important syllabic contrast, *-i- vs. *-ji-, in the Old Chinese reconstruction system of Li Fang-Kuei (1971). It is noted that revisions to Li’s system that have been proposed over the last three decades have eliminated this contrast in all but a few phonological environments. This raises the question of whether the contrast is tenable at all, and suggests that Li’s system should be further revised by eliminating the contrast altogether. Such a revision would force us to consider alternative views of the Old Chinese vowel system, and of the nature of Old Chinese medial *-j-, which have been topics of debate in the field in recent years.
本文探讨李方桂的上古汉语拟测里的重要音节对比 *-i-/*-ji-。文中指出，这几十年来因为有学者修订李氏的系统，这种对比只出现在少数音位环境了。据此，本文提出，*-i-/*-ji- 的对比应该完全取消。这样的修订就会涉及到一些最近引起了很多辩论的问题，包括上古汉语介音 *-j-性质的问题在内。
Old Chinese 上古汉语 Historical phonology 历史音韵学 Li Fang-Kuei 李方桂 Medials 介音 Chongniu重纽 Dentilabialization 轻唇化
Edward McDonald 马爱德
While most scholars seem to agree with Tsao (1990) as to the inadequacy of the notion of “sentence”, as traditionally defined in Indo-European languages, for the analysis of Chinese, two opposing trends have emerged in defining the basic grammatical units for Chinese. On the one hand, Tsao himself extends the study of grammar into its discourse contexts, taking the topic chain, “a stretch of discourse headed by one or more topics…followed by one or more comment clauses” as the basic unit. On the other hand work in the structuralist tradition (Zhu 1985, Lu 1993) takes the smaller unit of “phrase” as basic, and more recent investigations into the grammar of spoken Chinese from an intonational viewpoint (Tao 1991, 1996) seem to confirm this insight. In attempting to reconcile these two tendencies in the description of Chinese grammar, what is needed is a way of linking grammatical and discourse organization: in effect, seeing grammar as one the layers of meaning of the text. In this project, determining the status of the verb is crucial since it is commonly regarded as central to the definition of grammatical units, the principle of “one verb per clause” (Tao 1996) often being invoked as a way of justifying the boundaries of the clause. However, as has often been noted, the range of elements of the verb class in Chinese is so wide, and their potential to combine freely with each other is so great, that applying such a principle in practice is very difficult. The present study recognizes the basic structure of successive verbal elements as a logical one (Ouyang 1986) defined by a combination of taxis and logico-semantic relationships–in effect treating all verb combinations like serial verb constructions (Li & Thompson 1981). The boundaries of the clause can then be determined by the Theme and Rheme structure (Fang et al. 1995), and various verbal elements then be identified as functioning either textually, to introduce and focus on particular pieces of information, or interpersonally, to mediate the exchange between interlocutors in terms of mood and modality, or experientially, to represent the main and associated processes in the model of experience given by the clause. Such a multifunctional analysis allows us not only to account for all the different types of structures entered into by verbal elements in Chinese, but also provides a way of reconciling competing views of basic grammatical structure in Chinese.
按照多数汉语语言学家的一致主张，像印欧语言中“句子”这一概念不大适合于汉语语法的描写，近来给限定汉语基本语法单位有两种相互矛盾的看法。在一面，像曹逢甫（1990年）从话语语境着手去分析语法结构以“话语连串”为基本单位，在另一面，像朱德熙（1985年），陆俭明（1993年）则以“词组本位”为主要主张，而最近从语调角度上研究汉语口语的语法组织（陶鸿印1996年）与后者结论大概一致。若要调和对汉语语法描写的不同趋向，先需把话语组织和语法结构联合起来看，将语法看成是话语意义中的一个层次。为了这样的目的，因为动词一般被认为在限定语法结构起着主要作用，而像“每个句子只能有一个主动词”般这一原则通常作为确定句子的主要标准，因此确定动词的具体作用是不可忽略的任务。然而，汉语里动词性成分的范围那么宽，相互组合的可能性那么大，以这么一种原则作为实用的标准并不简单。本文以连续的动词性成分的基本组织所谓“逻辑性”（欧阳1986年）结构，即所有动词之间的联系则像“连续动词结构”（Li & Thompson 1981年）那般。小句的界限以“主位述为”结构（方琰等编1995年）去决定，而不同动词成分则起着“语篇性”作用（制定信息的不同片断）、“人际性”作用（调节说听话者之间关系）或“经验性”作用（表达世界模型的不同变化过程）。通过这么一种多元功能的描述，我们既可以较为全面地描写汉语动词性成分的所有结构，也能解决对汉语语法结构的矛盾看法。
Verb 动词 Clause 小句 Chinese 汉语 Discourse 话语 Function 功能 Structure 结构
台湾地区国语抑扬调 (二声与三声) 之发声与听辨
Janice Fon 冯怡蓁; Wen-Yu Chiang 江文瑜; Hintat Cheung 张显达
This study examined the two most similar tones in Taiwan Mandarin–Tone 2 (T2) and Tone 3 (T3). Experiment I showed that both tones had dipping contours and occupied about the same mid-low pitch range. The only reliable difference lay in slope. T3 had consistently steeper slopes in both the falling and rising portions than those of T2. In Experiment II, a perception test of extracted portions from T2 and T3 showed that falling contours sounded more T3-like whereas rising contours more T2-like, regardless of which source tone an extraction was taken from. In Experiment III, a manipulation of slope and initial pitch showed that a falling slope with steepness between -.30 Hz/ms and -.40 Hz/ms and low initial pitch (190 Hz) fell in the optimal range for T3 but no such range was found for T2, although shallower slopes (-.20 Hz/ms and -.10 Hz/ms) and higher initial pitch (210 Hz) did elicit more T2 responses. Experiment IV, a speeded tonal recognition task, showed that as a result of different placements of critical information of the two tones, T3 was recognized faster than T2.
本研究目的在于检视台湾地区国语中，两个非常相似的语调–二声与三声。实验一之结果显示，此二语调皆呈现抑扬调之调型，并且占有相似之中低音阈。二者唯一在统计上有效的差异为斜度。三声无论是在抑或扬的部分，斜度皆比二声为陡。实验二中，由二声与三声取出部分调型，对于受试者进行声调听辨。结果发现，部分调型无论原本由何声调中取出，抑调较符合听者对于三声的认知，而扬调则较符合听者对于二声的认知。实验三中，我们将抑调予以调整，用以检测斜度与初始音高对于声调辨识的影响。结果显示，当下降斜度在 -.30 赫兹/微秒与 -.40 赫兹/微秒之间，且初始音高较低（190赫兹）时，颇能引发听者三声的反应。但听者对二声的认知却极难在抑调中出现。不过，若抑调斜度较缓（-20 赫兹/微秒及 -10 赫兹/微秒），且初始音高较高（210赫兹）时，听者会有较多二声之反应。实验四为一快速声调听辨测试，结果显示，由于二声与三声对于重要辨识信息存放位置有异，三声辨识速度较二声为快。
Tonal perception 声调感知 Dipping tones 抑扬调 Rising tones 扬调 Tone2 第二声 Tone3 第三声 Mandarin tones 国语声调
In this paper, the irregular occurrence of 於 yu2 which introduces a noun will be examined: for the same verb, 於 yu2 is sometimes present and at other times is absent without modifying the meaning of the sentence. A comparison on two levels will be made. First, the same verb which sometimes use 於 yu2, and sometimes do not use it in the 战国纵横家书 Zhan4guo2 Zong4heng2 Jia1shu1 (ZZJ), will be studied. Second, a comparison of these verbs in the ZZJ with those in the other two transmitted versions (the 史記 Shi3ji4 and 战国策 Zhan4guo2ce4) will be made in order to understand the irregular occurrence of 於 yu2. The behavior of verbs in the ZZJ suggests to us that the late period of the Warring States (475-221 BC) was a period of transition: on one hand, the syntactic position of verbs was not stable; it vacillated between the transitive use, intransitive use (with the help of 於 yu2), or causative use, and on the other hand, syntactic devices were arising and the word order was reorganizing itself because of the movement of some prepositions. The ZZJ provides just one significant sample of this transition.
Verb’s marking 标记动词 Preposition 介词 Irregular occurence 不规则表现 Period of transition 过渡表现
The co-occurrence of dōu ‘all/each’ and měi ‘every’, both of which are generally assumed to be distributive, attracted much attention during the past two decades (Lee (1986), Yeh (1986), Hsieh (1994), Huang (1994, 1996), J. Lin (1996, 1998), etc.). Still, the nature of the phenomenon is highly disputed. This paper examines under what conditions the presence of dōu is obligatory when there is a preverbal argument involving měi. With the grammaticality difference of dōu-sentences in regard to the numeral component in a měi-phrase, I argue that in Mandarin Chinese there exist two determinatives, in Chao’s (1968) terminology, both involving the morpheme měi: One is měi, a Specifying Determinative, and the other is měi(yī) (每(一)), a Quantitative Determinative. Only in sentences with a preverbal argument involving the latter determinative is the presence of dōu obligatory. And, with the grammaticality difference of dōu-sentences in regard to the classifier component in a měi(yī)-phrase, I show that if the classifier is sortal and the head predicate is of group-subcategorizing type, then the sentence is ungrammatical even with dōu.
在某些现代汉语句子中[每]和[都]必须同时出现。对于这个现象，过去二十年，仅管已经有很多学者提出相当有趣的假设和分析（Lee （1986），Yeh（1986），Hsieh（1994），Huang（1994，1996）and J. Lin （1996，1998）），[每][都]这两个虚词和该类型句子的特性仍有争议之处。笔者观察[每]字词组的数词与[都]字的语法妥当性的关系，认为现代汉语有两个定词与[每]字有关：一为[每]，一为[每（一）]。定词是[每（一）]时，[都]字才一定要出现。笔者进一步观察[每]字词组的量词与[都]字句语法妥当性与之间的关系，归纳出：如果[每]字词组的定词是[每（一）]，量词是个体量词 (sortal classifier)，而且谓语的中心语是具有[羣]次类划分属性 (group-subcategorizing type) 的述词，即使[都]字出现,该句在语法上还是不妥当。（有关[羣]次类划分属性述词与[和]次类划分属性 (sum-subcategorizing type) 述词的讨论，请看第四小节。）
Adverb of scope and quantity 范围数量副词“都” Quantitative determinative ‘mei’ 数量限定词“每” Specifying determinative 指定限定词 Predicates of sum-subcategorizing type 有“和”次类划分属性的述词
Shun-chiu Yau 游顺钊
Classical Chinese is particularly rich in respectful and self-depreciatory forms of address, respectively equivalent to terms or expressions such as the ‘royal we’ and ‘your humble servant’ in English or the ‘nous de majesté’ and the ‘votre humble serviteur’ in French. But the number of these terms of address in Chinese is by far greater than those registered in these two European languages. In view of this Chinese rhetoric particularity, it is therefore of interest to give a brief account of continued changes in these terms of address observed in classical texts. Moreover, the Chinese language is known to easily allow the dropping of pronouns when used as subjects or objects as long as their absence does not create contextual confusion. This paper will trace the development of these two apparently unrelated lexico-syntactic features since China’s first historical documents as recorded in the oracle-bone and bronze inscriptions of the Shang dynasty.
Classical Chinese 古汉语 Personal Pronouns 人称代词 Lexical taboos 避讳 Rhetoric 谦称 Pronominal dropping 主语省略