Volume 25, No 1
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
This paper argues that both diachronic and synchronic evidence shows that the relationship between the bound classifier morpheme and its homographic and homophonous bound morpheme in nouns and verbs is one of grammaticalisation and regrammaticalisation on a semantic basis. Diachronically, the bound classifier morpheme was first grammaticalised from free noun and verb lexemes and then regrammaticalised into bound morphemes in nouns and verbs. Synchronically, the grammaticalisation process is still being manifested in the innovative use of free noun and verb lexemes as classifiers in creative writings, and the regrammaticalisation process, in the formation of new lexical items in the field of technology, especially in computer science. There is also evidence that the bound classifier morpheme is being regrammaticalised into free nouns in limited contexts. These two processes are seen as providing a dynamic and productive device to language users to cope with the cognitive and social demand made on language.
本文从历时和共时的角度探讨汉语量词词素和与它同形同音的名词或动词词素之关系。本文之论点如下：从历史角度看，汉语量词词素是从自由名词或动词词素语化而来， 成为粘着词素，与 数词连用；然后又再语化为粘着名词或动词词素，出现在名词和动词及其复合词中。从共时角度看，此语化和再语化现象和过程仍然可见。许多自由名词和动词词素皆可当量词用以收修词上之特殊效果； 同时，粘着名词和动词词素常被用来创构新词，尤其是专有科技和电脑名词。另一方面，在有限的语境中， 极少数的粘着量词词素有再语化为自由名词词素的现象。本文的结论是：此二种语化现象和过程是汉语给汉语使用者所提供的一个活现的和能产的策略，以助他们应付认识和社会发展对语言所作的要求。
Abstract 摘要
This study examined the effects of affectedness and phonological shape in learning a new verb. Forty-eight Chinese children and sixteen adults were taught novel verbs, referring to an action of transferring a bag of marbles onto a box. One of the control conditions is the surface of the box: (i) remained intact or (ii) was broken by the marbles. The novel verb was presented either in a mono-syllabic form or a bi-syllabic form. Subjects’ preference in coding the novel verb’s syntactic object was elicited by asking questions on the box or on the marbles. In their responses, both adults and older children coded the syntactic object of the novel verb according to the focus of the question and the semantic information. When the novel verb was presented in a mono-syllabic form, most adults and some of the older children supplied their own resultative morphemes such as ‘broken’ and attached it to the end of the novel verb in their answers. These results suggested that both adults and children paid attention to the aspectual properties of Chinese verbs. They considered the mono-syllabic verb an activity verb and made use of resultative morphemes to form a new compound verb. Younger children, however, displayed difficulties in this regard.
本研究探讨动词的音节以及在语境中呈现的事物受影响程度在动词学习过程中所产生的作用。在实验中，48 位小孩和16位成人个别的学习四个虚拟动词。这几个动词所指的动作是：一袋弹珠从实验者手中转移到一个盒子上面。四个词的差异是音节数（单/双音节）和盒子的表面（不变/受损）。受试者使用刚学过的虚拟词来回答有关弹珠和盒子的问题，从回答中了解他们在选择这些词的直接宾语上的偏好。结果发现，成人和年龄较大的小孩都是以问题的焦点和语境中呈现的事物受影响程度为主要考虑。在使用单音节虚拟词时，大部分的成人和部分的小孩都在虚拟词后面加上一个补语，如 ‘破’。这项结果显示受试者都注意到汉语动词在动貌上的特点。他们可能认为单音节虚拟词是个动作词 (activity verb)，所以会补充一个补语，复合成一个动补动词。
Abstract 摘要
This paper provides several descriptive generalizations about Chinese passive sentences: 1) unmarked sentences with a preverbal patient NP should not be considered passive; 2) there are two beis in passive sentences, of which one is a preposition and the other is a passive marker; 3) there is a semantic relationship between the moved object and the retained object, which can be characterized as that the combination of the verb and the retained object selects the moved object; 4) the correspondence between passive and active sentences does not always exist and such a relation cannot be established if there is a subject-oriented adverbial or modal in the sentence; 5) the morphological marking in Chinese passives is accurate, even in pivotal constructions. Which construction in Chinese should be considered passive? What are the functions and status of the morpheme bei? What is the relationship between the passive subject and the so-called retained object? Why certain passive sentences with modals do not have the same truth value as their active counterparts do? These questions often emerge in recent literature on Chinese passive constructions and the answers provided usually lead to more debate. This paper is an attempt to establish a comprehensive and accurate description of the phenomena related to these issues. Noparticular theoretic presumption is assumed and no stipulation will be made. The generalizations reached here may be adapted to suit any theoretic framework and can thus become the basis for satisfactory accounts for these phenomena.
本文对汉语被动句的特性进行总结归纳，得出以下结论：1）句中无“被”字标记的所谓受事主语句不应视为被动句；2）被动句中的“被”字实际上是两个不同的词，一个是介词，另一个是表示动的语助词； 3）被动句的主语同 “保留宾语”之间存在着严格的语义关系，如果将动词与保留宾语视为合成动词，这种关系就可以表述为合成动词对主语的选择；4）并非所有的被动句都有相应的主动句，如果句中存在表达主语意愿的状语或能愿动词，被动句就不会有相应的主动句；5）“被”字对动词的标记作用准确无误，即使是在兼语式的被动句中也同样如此。
Abstract 摘要
There are many loan-words from Chinese in Sui as well as in other languages of the same group. In the aspect of phonological correspondence, the earlier loan-words are quite different from the later ones. The former can be traced to the Ancient Chinese, whereas the latter are based on the neighboring Southwest Chinese dialect. The loan-words with mixed features of the earlier and the later periods revealed a continuum between historical layers. A semantic diversity of the paired loan-words of earlier and later periods is very common in the Sui language. Some words with related meaning are derived from loan-words by substitution of the tone, or initial, or final, just like the original native ones.
水语跟其它同族语言一样与汉语之间在历史上和现实中都有着密切的关系，主要表现在水语中有很多汉语借词和关系词。我们在约有 5,000词语的中和水语同音字表中，初步选出了685个汉语借词作为本文分析的基础资料。以中和水语的语音系统作为参照系，其中的汉语老借词对应于中古汉语音系；新借词对应于当地西南官话。在声调方面，老借词是调类对应的方式；新借词是调值对应的方式。跟老借词相比，新借词的声母对应范围缩小，并增加了 tsh 声母；新借词的韵母对应关系简化，并增加了元音音位 和 。新老借词之间的交混现象以及它们各自内部的先后之分，表现的是历史层次上的连续。新老借词在语义上常常有一定的分化。一些汉语借词可以利用声调或者声母韵母的变换来构成意义相关的词。这反映出汉语借词入乡随俗变客为主的过程。文中最后讨论了语言的同源，语言的融合，语言的借用以及借词、同源词、关系词等问题。
Abstract 摘要
Recent years have witnessed a debate about whether Chinese is underlyingly an SOV or an SVO language. One of the foci in this debate is on the bǎ construction. In this paper I will review some of the important argumentations in this debate and reveal that none of the SOV analyses give a satisfactory solution to the problem. Following Tsao 1987, I propose that the bǎ NP is fronted to a pre-verbal secondary topic position from an underlying post-verbal position. Further, I propose that the ungrammaticality of certain bǎ constructions can be explained by reference to GB Control Theory. Based on the large body of data available about resultatives in Mandarin, I suggest that the notion of “Control”, which is generally assumed to be lexical property of specific verbs, can be dealt with syntactically through the general principle of Minimality at S-Structure. The paper demonstrates that Chinese is an SVO language.
在近三十年来关于汉语是主动宾语言还是主宾动语言的探讨中，对把字句结构的不同分析一直是问题的中心论点。本文将对一些重要的论据进行剖析，并且指出关于汉语是主宾动语言的各种论证中的不妥之处。 依据曹逢甫先生（1987）的论点，我认为 “把”名词短语是从深层结构的动词之后前移到动词之前的第二主题位置。 我同时指出，应用管约理论中的控制论，一些把字句的无解现象可以得到正确地解释。根据大量的表结果动词的汉语例句，我认为通常被看作是属于某些动词的词法范畴的控制功能可以用句法结构中的 “最近距离原则” (Minimality) 作出圆满地解释。本文同时证实了汉语是一种主动宾语言。
Abstract 摘要
This article investigates the properties of the Chinese wh-elements from these three aspects: (i) the co-occurrence constraints between wh-elements and the so-called question operator NE; (ii) the contrast between wh-elements and polarity items; (iii) the conceptual relation among the three uses of wh-elements–interrogation, universal reference, and indefiniteness. Mainly on the basis of empirical observations, I argue against two prevalent viewpoints: (i) the Chinese wh-elements are not intrinsically interpreted as interrogative markers; (ii) the Chinese wh-elements are sort of polarity item. In addition, this paper tries to demonstrate that there exists a syntactic and semantical parallel between the two wh-systems of English and Chinese.
本文从以下三个方面来考察汉语疑问代词的性质：（一）疑问代词与所谓疑问算子 “呢” 之间的共现限制；（二）疑问代词与否定性成分的差别； （三）疑问代词的三种用法–疑问、遍 指、不定指–之间的内在联系。根据我们的考察，以下两种观点是有问题的：（一）汉语疑问代词本质上不表疑问;（二）汉语疑问代词是一种否定性成分。另外，文章还说明了，汉语和英语疑问代词之间存在着系统的语义和句法对应。
Abstract 摘要
Incorporating the concepts of competing changes (Wang 1969), modularity (Huang 1984, 1988), and grammatical interaction (Hsieh 1992a), this paper attempts another support for the claim that variation in structure is often the result of interaction between competing grammatical forces in history, and that competition may occur across modules (Hsieh 1989, Her 1994). We establish explicitly a typology of VO sequences in Mandarin Chinese: 1) word, 2) idiomatic phrase, 3) dual status–word and phrase, and 4) regular phrase, and interpret this variation of VO construction as the consequence of the interaction between two conflicting forces: lexicalization and ionization, of two distinct grammatical modules, lexicon and syntax, respectively.
本文整合了三个概念：王士元 (Wang 1969) 的变化竞争 (competing changes), 黄正德 (Huang 1984) 的模块 (modularity), 及谢信一 (Hsieh 1992a) 的语法互动 (grammatical interaction), 并以此对汉语中动实结构的变化 (variation) 做出分析和解释。我们首先建立并验证汉语中动 实结构的几种可能的形态：一.（复合）词，二. 成语词组， 三. 双重语位：单词及词组，四. 一般词组；接着进一步地将这数种形态变化的发生归因于词？ (lexicon) 与句 (syntax) 这两个不同模块之间的竞争，而词汇势力的具体表现就是词汇化 (lexicalization) 的过程，句法势力的扩张则是经由离子化 (ionization) 的过程。汉语中动实结构的变化在这种解释下再次说明了语法结构的变化是各种不同的竞争的或互动的势力之间的互动关系所造成的结果 (Her 1994)。
Report 报告
Annoucement 消息
New Publication 新书
Memoriam 缅怀
Volume 25, No 2
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
The head movement analysis of long distance reflexives has been shown to provide an explanation of many of the properties of ziji in a wide variety of environments. The analysis, however, appears on initial examination to make the wrong predictions regarding the appearance of ziji in islands. In this article we show that these incorrect predictions do not occur if the head movement analysis is combined with an appropriate theory of Chinese phrase structure. We further show that the leading competing movement-based theory of Chinese reflexives, the IP adjunction theory, is not free of difficulties with respect to islandhood. We conclude that the totality of evidence provides strong support both for head movement of ziji and for a theory of Chinese phase structure incorporating a number of functional projections.
汉语反身词“自己”长程约束的现象，讨论的学者相当多，其中主张移位 (movement) 分析，主要有两个：一个是［主要语 (head) 移位分析］，另一个是［小句子加接 (IP Adjunction) 分析］。在其它相关文章里，我们已证明主要语移位的分析能解释许多“自己” 句法上的特点，但却好像不能解释“自己” 为何可以出现在一些孤岛 (islands) 句型里。本文就此提出辩驳与说明：（一）如采用 Tang (1990) 汉语名词词组结构之分析， 上述之问题将可解决。（二）［小句子加接分析］亦无法解释相关的孤岛句型。以上讨论皆强力支持〔主要语移位分析〕和采纳若干 functional 投射的词组结构分析。
Abstract 摘要
Vast literature on gender differences has shown that women are more polite generally than men in language. Men speak more directly or “bald on record” (Lakoff 1973, Brown and Levinson 1987). It has also been claimed that those differences are universal. By conducting a questionnaire survey, this paper presents the results of a statistical analysis (T-test) on gender differences in request pattern in Chinese. This study showed that gender differences in request patterns are closely related to social relations and request situations. The data shows that females are more polite in making requests than males in the relationships of higher-ranking to lower-ranking and equal-familiar. In the lower-ranking to higher-ranking relation, men are more polite than women by using compliments as lexical modifications to enhance the effectiveness of their requests.
大量的学术研究表明，女性在语言表达上通常要比男性礼貌。Lakoff 1973 和Brown/ Levinson 1987也提出，男性语言较女性语言更缺少修饰，他们往往趋向直接的表达方法。语言学家认为，这种差异是全球共有的。本论文通过一项问卷调查，以“T-test”统计分析了汉语“请求”表达中的性别差异。文章发现，“请求”中的性别差异与请求者的社会关系和请求环境有紧密的联系。问卷数据表明，在上对下和同等社会关系中，女性的请求语言比男性礼貌，而在下对上的关系中，以病人请医生开药方为例，男性则比女性更为礼貌，他们使用了恭维语言以提高其请求的礼貌程度和有效性。本论文从汉语和汉文化的角度证实了女性语言比男性语言礼貌的论点，并以“请求”为例，发现了中国男性语言在特定的语境下比女性语言礼貌的现象。
Abstract 摘要
There are two kinds of initials in Yue dialects (the subdialects of Cantonese), the ts, tsh, s series and t, th, / series correspond to Jing group initials in Middle Chinese. Thus we could reconstruct two kinds of initials for the subdialects of Early Cantonese: one is *t, *th, *d/*, *; the other is *ts, *tsh, *dz/*z, *s. The latter remain its articulatory position in modern Yue dialects, whereas the former changed into ts series or t series for the affricates, and / for the fricatives in most cases. It is common known that there were not interdental initials such as , in Ancient Chinese. The interdental initials in Early Cantonese might be considerable influenced from the native minority languages in the South of China, e.g. Proto Kam-Tai, etc.
在现代粤语诸次方言中，对应于中古汉语的精组声母的读音有两类，有的次方言读 ts 类，有的次方言则读 t 类，其中心纽读为 s 或 /。通过比较，可以构拟出精组声母在早期粤语中的 两类读法：1. *t, *th, *d/*, *; 2. *ts, *tsh, *dz/*z, *s。在后来的发展中，第2类的发音部位基本上保持不变，而第1类中的塞擦音在不同的次方言中分化为 ts 类或 t 类，擦音在大部分情况下读为/。作为并无齿间音的古代中原汉语的一个分支，早期粤语的音系中存在齿间音声母这一现象，体现了它在形成期受到古代岭南土著民族的语言（古壮侗语等 ）的重大影响。
Abstract 摘要
Previous analyses use ‘focus’ to explain a restriction on the formation of A-not-A questions. But ‘focus’ has at least two distinct senses. Both senses are empirically inadequate in explaining the restriction; and, if used indiscriminately, they would lead to theoretical incoherence. We suggest a simple principle, i.e., no questioned part can be presupposed. Apart from its empirical and theoretical superiority, the principle is independently needed for the same restriction in particle and other choice type questions, not to mention the mutual exclusiveness between questions. Apparent exceptions to the principle are due to separate syntactic constraints.
从前的一些分析以焦点来解释正反问句成句的一种限制。但焦点的概念相当含糊，至少有两种含义，哪一种都行不通，而且不分清楚还会导致理论上的混乱。本文提出一简单原则，即对预设部分不能发问。此原则不仅在理论与解释能力方面优于焦点，而且也适用于选择问句及是非问句。问句间不相容的现象也可因此得到解释。表面上的一些反例可以用其它语法原则处理。
Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to explore the crucial role of discourse patterning in the grammaticalization of JIU from a motion verb to an antecedent-consequent linking element. By tracing the usages of JIU at various stages of Chinese and detailing its discourse-functional characteristics, this paper suggests that the recurrent pattern of narrative sequencing with the use of preverbal, serial-verb JIU around Middle Chinese motivates the re-interpretation of JIU as a consequent-event marker. With sequential events, JIU originally signals a spatial movement as the ‘consequent’ of a preceding event; eventually, from coding a consequent event, JIU itself gets grammaticalized as the marker of a consequent. What is involved is a detranstivization/decategorization process of verbal JIU, followed by a recategorization of JIU into a non-verbal element. This work clearly exemplifies a discourse-motivated case grammaticalization, along with a conceivable cognitive-semantic account. It bridges theoretically and methodologically the two major approaches of grammaticalization.
本文旨在以中文「就」的语意语法变化为例，说明交谈功能，特别是“叙事模式”在语法化的过程中所扮演的决定性角色。「就」由一个空间位移的动词转化为连接前后事件（因果、时间等）的副词，其关键在于中古中文时期，叙事文体所出现的一种「就」的普遍用法：「就」可出现在另一动词前，描述某前因所导致的后果事件（位移 + 动作）。这种连续性的叙事结构，加上「就」后直接有另一动词，导致「就」的动词成份降低，而被重新分析为标示一后果事件、用于连接的语法成份。本文的完成，为长久以来学者们所深信、由“语境语用”为主导的语法化可能，提供一具体实例。
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