Volume 15, No 1
Even though the ba construction has been much discussed in the literature in the past, many problems noticed by previous researchers remain unanswered. This paper attempts to analyze the construction from a completely different perspective–that of topic–comment. It starts out by summarizing the properties that the Chinese topic is found to have and compares them first with those possessed by the initial NP in the ba construction and then with those owned by the ba NP. Such comparisons reveal that the initial NP is, as expected, a regular topic and the ba NP is a secondary topic of some special kind. It then goes on to examine the function and meaning of the construction. It is concluded that the function of ba is to mark the following NP as a special topic, and the meaning of the construction is to make clear the transitivity relation between the primary topic and the ba topic and to bring into focus the result, as expressed by the verb and its complement. It is also found that in its extended use the construction can serve to express causative relation. Finally, an interpretative rule is posited and a suggestion is made as to how the construction, considered as a clause type in a topic chain, is to be generated.
虽然以前讨论“把”字句的论文为数甚多，但前人所指出来的许多问题至今尤未能有合理的解释。本文拟用主题－评论这个全新的观点来讨论分析“把”字句，并希望用这种分析能解决以前无法解决的许多问题。是以本文首先概要地说明前人所报导中文主题所具备的特质，然后以这些特质分别和“把”字句的句首名词短语以及“把”名词短语的特质作一详尽的比较。比较的结果发现句首名词短语完全符合主题的特质，而“把”名词短语的特质也绝大部分与主题的特质符合。为示区别，本文特将“把“名词短语称为第二主题。 本文并仔细检视“把”字句的意义和功能，所得的结论为：“把”字的功能在于标示其后的名词短语为特殊主题，而整句的意义是在强调第一主题跟把“把”主题之间的“主宾关系 ”并同时使动词和其后之补语成为新信息。本文并指出“把”字的延伸用法可以用来表示使动关系。最后本文提出了一条释意规则，并探讨“把 ”字句当作“主题连锁 ”的一种句形式，如何能衍生出来的问题。
Shuanfan Huang 黄宣范
The prototype structures of two social activity terms, xiao ‘filial piety’ and mei mianzi ‘loss of face’, were experimentally investigated. The data were subjected to an ANOVA based on the within-subjects design. All of the main effects were found to reach significance and the relative weight of the prototype elements proposed for each of the two terms was consistent across all situations. These results provide strong support for the particular prototypes proposed and for the accuracy of the experiments in tapping behavior relevant to social life. The paper concludes with some methodological reflections on the adequacy of the questionnaire method as an experimental tool.
“Antonymous pairs” of Chinese origin in Korean form a large set of characteristic expressions: their analysis may be very instructive for a synchronic investigation of the linguistic status of Classical Chinese loanwords in modern East Asian languages, i.e. Korean, Japanese, Vietnamese and even modern standard Chinese. From the lexicological point of view they are bimorphemic nouns. Still, judging from their behavior within texts, they seem not to be merely single nouns but can play a role similar to that of a two-element phrase or even a clause. This functional peculiarity is clearly observable in strings consisting of Sino-Korean elements only. Here the antonymous pairs show their linguistic autonomy preserved within the guest language and systemic distinctness from the genuine elements. Consequently, they can serve as clear evidence of the co- and poly-systemic character of Korean and other East Asian languages.
古汉语的反义对词在现代朝鲜语中是一个很大的，并富有特色的词汇群。在东亚诸语 言（日语，越南语，甚至现代汉语）中的这些反义对词对我们共时地探讨古汉语借词在语言学中的位置是极为有用的。 从词汇角度看，这些反义对词都是双语素的名词。但在句法上，这些词就不仅仅是单独的名词，有时可以起到与短语相类似的作用。这种功能上的特征在朝鲜语中全由汉字构成的短语中表现得尤为明显。这些反义对词在借用语言中保留了其原有的区别性。 这样，这些反义对词可以为朝鲜语及其它远东语言的多体系性和共体系性的特性提供证据。
Robert Cheng 郑良伟
The purpose of this paper is to compare etymologically the words found in Taiwanese texts and their Mandarin equivalents, and to attempt to explain why there is a clear-cut tendency for the content words to share a much higher rate of identical etymons between the two varieties of Chinese than do the function words. Comparisons of either group of vocabulary were made in terms of inventories and running texts. In particular, I would like to make the following points on the basis of statistical data: 1) The higher percentage of same etymons between Taiwanese and Mandarin content words is due to a higher rate of retention from the proto-language, in addition to a higher rate of borrowing between the two languages through indirect or direct contact in the past. 2) The lower rate of same etymons between the Taiwanese and Mandarin function words is due to a much lower rate of retention of function words than content words from the proto-language, in addition to the rarity of the borrowing of function words from one language into another. 3) If the rate of etymon replacement among the function words is particularly high, and if replacement due to borrowing is rare, then replacement of etymons among function words must be due to internal development.
Yulong Xu 许余龙
This study examines, within Halliday and Hasan’s (1976) framework of demonstrative reference, some referential functions of demonstratives in Chinese discourse. We have found that the use of zero-demonstrative in Chinese is the unmarked form of reference roughly corresponds to the referential function of the (or it) in English, and that the use of demonstratives is the marked form of reference roughly corresponding to the referential function of the demonstratives in English. Furthermore, we have shown that, while the functional difference both between zhè and nà in Chinese and between this and that in English is explainable in terms of proximity. In Chinese there is a much stronger psychological element in the concept of proximity, which often conspires with the notion of real spatial, temporal and textual distance to affect writers’ choices between zhè and nà.
本文以韩礼德和哈桑 (Halliday and Hasan 1976) 提出的指示照应体系为框架，分析了汉语篇章中指示词的一些照应作用。我们发现，汉语中使用零指示词是照应的无标记形式，其照应作用大致相当于英语中的 the (或it)； 而使用指示词则是照应的有标记形式，其照应作用大致相当于英语中的指示词。这一分析还表明，尽管汉语中这与那之间的区别和英语中 this与 that之间的区别都可以用接近度 (proximity) 来解释，但是在汉语的接近度这一概念中有一个较强的心理成分，这一心理成分经常与实际的时空和篇章距离概念共同起作用，影响汉语使用者在选用这与那时作出某种取舍。
He-ping Zhao 赵和平
This paper presents a study of the word zan, a pronominal item in Mandarin Chinese, by analyzing its person and social deictic properties. A word with its own unique functions irreplaceable by other seemingly equivalent proforms, zan demonstrates three sets of person deictic features: /+S, +An, ±On/, /-S, +An, -O/ and /+S, -A, -O/. These features, in turn, are used in various discourse contexts in accordance with the varying social distinctions. Intimacy, resentment and informality are some of the social deictic features that zan readily marks in conversation. Though a pronoun seldom used in formal written Chinese, zan enjoys vast popularity in the language’s spoken form and thrives on its rich deictic values.
本文通过对“咱”这一汉语代词的人称指示特征及社会指示特征的分析，就该词作了一些阐述。这个词所具备的许多独有的功能是不能为其近义词或同义词所取代的。以人称的角度来讲，它有三组指示特征：[ +S, +An, ± On], [–S, +An, –O] 及 [+S, –A, –O]。这三组人称指示特征可以被灵活地运用于不同的语言交际场合，用来表明不断变化的社会语气：如亲昵语气，不满语气，非正式语气等。虽然“咱”很少出现于书面语，但被广泛地使用于汉语的口语中。由于其丰富的指示功能，该词享有很强的活力。
Volume 15, No 2
What follows is a collection of four papers on Tianjin tone sandhi. The introductory piece identifies some of the chief issues, which are: the directionality of rule application, the ordering relations holding among the elementary rules, and the parsing of sentences into prosodic domains of tone sandhi. For each of these problems, possible solutions are presented and promising directions for further investigation are suggested.
Li and Liu collect four kinds of contexts for the sandhi rules in the Tianjin dialect (TTS) to apply and they mention the blocking of TTS by emphasis. However, nothing has been said about the interaction of the four TTS rules, the manner of their application, or the contrast between utterances with alternative derived forms and those without. The present paper shows that (1) each of the four TTS rules applies in a certain direction and is ordered with respect to the rest, rather than freely as proposed by Hung (1986b); (2) within a given domain, the TTS rules apply in their own way, regardless of the morphosyntactic structures of the syllables undergoing TTS; (3) the contrast between sole and alternative derivability results from the blocking of TTS by emphasis or the normal application of TTS with no intended emphasis. Since emphasis is something relative, only those tone groups (TG’s) decomposable into the emphasized and the control components may have alternative derived forms, depending on whether emphasis is intended and on which component is being emphasized. On the other hand, for a single word bearing a whole TG, there is nothing to be emphasized for lack of a control component.
The “paradox of Tianjin tone sandhi”, thanks to Chen’s stimulating paper (1986b), has attracted much attention in recent theoretical discussions, due to the problems it seems to present to the theory of phonological rule application and of the interaction between phonology and other components of grammar. The present paper is an attempt at resolving the paradox. It proposes to separate the Tianjin Tone Sandhi Rule (hereafter TTS) into different rules, which can have different modes of application and be ordered with respect to one another. A specific proposal is made about the application of the rules (TTSs), based on the data of Li-Liu (1985) and Tan (1986a). Derivations are given of all the interesting types of sandhi forms in the available database. The proposal has a large empirical coverage. As far as the present database is concerned, only a few exceptions exist, which may well be accommodated when the proposal is relativized with an explicitly characterized domain of tone sandhi. Justifications are given in support of the proposal, which is shown to follow from general principles and not merely mechanical stipulations. The separation of TTS and TTSs is not only necessary but also natural. Comparisons are made between the present analysis and Hung (1986b) and Tan (1986a), two detailed analyses of Tianjin tone sandhi since Chen (1986b).
The paper attempts a unified and motivated analysis of the complex and puzzling tone sandhi phenomena of Tianjin, by appealing to a simple phontactic constraint disfavoring identical low tones in juxtaposition (well-attested in Mandarin dialects). Far from being wildly idiosyncratic, Tianjin tone sandhi rules are shown to apply in essentially the same, free mode. Departures from the norm, with respect to mode of application in certain tone sequences, variant readings, extrinsic rule-ordering, and rule optionality, are motivated by the phonotactic constraint. The paper also explores the prosodic domains within which Tianjin tone sandhi operates.
Chaucey C. Chu 屈承熹; W. Vincent Chang 张武昌
A tripartite hypothesis is here proposed for the functions of the Mandarin verbal suffix -le: (1) for marking non-continuing factual actions/events. (2) for indicating the “peak” in an event line, and (3) for explicitly marking anteriority of an action/event. Observations of actual written data confirm the above hypothesis as underlying regularities. Certain modifications, however, have to be incorporated. While action verbs in a phrase with a classical flavor are not compatible with this -le, monosyllabic action verbs require one. Furthermore, anteriority tends to be explicitly marked by -le when the verbs in the series of clauses are not cohesive enough to indicate such a natural sequence and/or when a special emphasis is called for on the order of the events. By comparison with previous works on the discourse function of -le, the present hypothesis seems to be able to explain more facts and in more principled manner.
Shi Feng 石锋; Shi Lin; Liao Rongrong 廖荣容
Languages with five constrastive level tones are rarely found in the world. Maddison once listed several such languages: African languages such as Dan, Kporo, Ashuku and Ngamambo; Asian languages such as Black Miao, Tahua Yao and some Puyi dialects; and American languages such as Trigue, Ticuna and Usila Chiantec (Maddison, 1978). Examples are also recorded in the literature of Chinese linguistics. For example, Chang Kun (1947) described the Yong-Cong Miao languages as having five level tones in addition to a rising tone and two falling tones, and Li Fangkui described the Tai Gong Miao language with five level tones in addition to a falling tone and two rising tones (see Kwan 1967). It is generally considered that five level tones are the maximum number that a language can possibly have. For this reason, the “tone letters” of Y.R. Chao (1930) have only five pitch levels. In order to distinguish five level tones, W. S-Y. Wang (1967) proposed the feature Mid in the system of distinctive features of tones. Maddison (1978) even considered the maximum number of five pitch levels as the first of the universal features of tone languages in the world. He said “A language may contrast up to five levels of tone, but no more.” Their viewpoint seems true indeed, for, even now, we have not found any language that has more than five level tones. The analysis of tonemic systems with five level tones is of great significance in the study of tone. What we frequently encounter in our studies are tone systems of languages or dialects which have one, two or three level tones. There is a considerable physiological and psychological space between neighboring level tones, whose acoustic behavior displays a considerable degree of freedom. Falling or rising tones are often distinguished from each other only in terms of pitch contour with few limitations on their actual pitch levels. Therefore, it will enrich our knowledge of tone to study the articulation of five level tones within a single system, to observe their acoustic behavior and features of recognition, and to perceive their relationships in monosyllables and their variations occurring in polysyllabic words. This is helpful both for the theory of tones and for the study of the Gaoba Dong language itself.
对于同一声调格局中的五个平调进行分析，这在声调研究中是很有意思的。我们迄今尚未发现一种语言具有五个以上的平调。具有五个平调的语言并不多见。本文提供了高坝侗语五个平调的实验记录和分析结果。这五个平调的平均声调曲线开头部分都指向调域的中段，呈现一种有趣的放射状对称图型，反映出声带发音时的生理调节过程。这种有规律出现的声调弯头可能为我们辨识不同的声调提供信息。相邻平调之间的音程在听觉上是“等距离”的。假设fo为调域下限频率，fn代表从低到高的各调的频率 (n = 1, 2, 3, 4)，则等式 fn+1 – fo = 2(fn – fo) 基本上可以表明以赫兹为单位的数量关系。这种方法的意义有待于更多的资料积累和证明。实验表明，在连读中，调域下限比较稳定。调域上限变化较大。因此，五个平调在连读中都是只有上升的变化，只是最高调除升高之外，还有降低的变化。