Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.2 (1974) 中国语言学报 2 卷 (1974)
Volume 2, No 1
Article 文章
Abstract
A lecture delivered at Beijng University
Abstract
The author in a prior article proposed a reconstruction of the stops and sonorants of Proto-Min. Here the entire initial system of Proto-Min is reconstructed. On the basis of the Yungan dialect, a distinction of dental and alveopalatal sibilants is assumed. All the affricates and fricatives fit the initial categories already proposed to account for tonal development.
Abstract
Reduction in Taiwanese A-not-A questions is investigated. In addition to the condition of Deletion Recoverability (DR), the Immediate Dominance Condition (IDC) and the Directionality Constraint (DC) are proposed. IDC specifies that only those constituents immediately dominated by conjuncts can undergo identity deletion. DC specifies that identity deletion cannot operate backward upon A-not-A question except those containing the non-volitional negative morpheme #. In combination with a few additional constraints, DR, IDC, and DC enable us to derive systematically the reduced forms of A-not-A questions in Taiwanese. Some other aspects of the grammar of A-not-A questions in Taiwanese are also discussed.
Abstract
Karlgren’s Archaic Chinese (Arch. Chin) final -r should be amended to -l. The argument is based on the theory that Arch. Chin falling tone derives from earlier final -s, so that equating Tibeto-Burman (TB) -s with Karlgren’s -r is not any more permissible, which circumstance eliminates the basis on which he has reconstructed Arch. Chin -r (‘rhotacism’). We argue that the Arch. Chin liquid in question was -l, because (1) -l seems to justify better than -r occasional rhymes in poetry with -n; (2) initially, Arch. Chin r became Anch. Chin l, so that Sino Tibetan -r > -l is more plausible for Chinese than the opposite; (3) TB cognates indicate that our Arch. Chin -l corresponds primarily to TB -l. However, TB -l is found to correspond regularly to Arch. Chin -l in conjunction with the Ancient Chinese even tone only, while the TB equivalent to Arch. Chin -l’ (with later rising tone) is final -y.
Discussion 讨论
Review 书评
Announcement 消息
Volume 2, No 2
Article 文章
Abstract
Negation is an important, albeit complex, area of linguistic research, but unfortunately very little effort has been made in Chinese linguistics along this line, especially in the transformational framework. The more sophisticated linguistic model of generative semantics has made possible systematic studies in the interplay between negation and other phenomena such as adverbs and (higher) predicates. This paper assumes the recent important discoveries in generative semantics and studies the syntactic characteristics of negation in Chinese.
Abstract
Japanese orthography stands alone in the world in that two types of non-alphabetic symbols, kana (phonetic symbols for syllables) and kanji (essentially nonphonetic logographic symbols), are used in combination. Evidence is presented indicating that the ability of Japanese aphasic patients to use these two types of scripts can be selectively impaired. Impairment of kana processing emerges typically in the context of an overall syndrome known as Broca’s aphasia while impairment of kanji processing is characteristic of Gogi (word meaning) aphasia. Analyses, in terms of the nature of kana and kanji errors exhibited by patients of each syndrome as well as of the strategies used in coping with the impairment, provide further evidence indicating that kana and kanji processings represent distinctively different modes of operations of linguistic behavior.
Abstract
An acoustic study was conducted to compare the pitch range of four English-speaking subjects and four Mandarin Chinese-speaking subjects. This study found that the average pitch range of the four Chinese speakers was at least 1.5 times wider than that of the four English-speaking subjects when they spoke their native languages. When the four English-speaking subjects spoke Chinese, their pitch range also increased substantially, although not to the extent of the Chinese speakers.
Abstract
Traditionally, transformational grammarians claim that there is a passive transformation in Chinese which relates active and passive sentences. Some linguists, however, have challenged this claim by presenting evidence which, they claim, shows that these two types of sentences in Chinese have different deep structures. This paper examines three of these arguments: A. Hashimoto (1971), M. Hashimoto (1968), Chu (1972); and demonstrates that none are valid.
Abstract
Nasalization is one of the phonetic characteristics in Northwestern Chinese dialects. As evidence shows, this phenomenon can be traced back to as early as the middle of the 7th century A.D. In other words, nasalization which is derived from finals ending /-n/ and /-ŋ/ is a traditional phonetic characteristic in the Northwestern dialects rather than a ‘historical change which took place in the modern period’ as suggested by Luo Chang-pei (Luo 1933: 167). Thus it is unreliable, without any backing from sources, to work out a formula for explaining the historical change of speech sound merely by referring to the language of the Qieyun as a‘mother language of nearly all modern dialects’ or ‘Changan dialect’ as suggested by B. Karlgren (Karlgren 1923: 16, 1964:3).
Abstract
Scholars have lately suggested that the Ancient Chinese rhyme Division II reflects Archaic Chinese medial *-r-, and that Ancient Chinese – and ź- resulted also from an earlier liquid. Thanks to comparative as well as some internal evidence, we arrive at the conclusion that all Ancient Chinese Division II words as well as those with Ancient Chinese initial l- should be reconstructed with *r in Archaic Chinese, whereas Ancient Chinese – and ź- go back to unyodized and yodized initial *l- respectively. Ancient rhyme Division IV (vocalic medial i) is interpreted as resulting from earlier medial *l (e.g. Ancient Chinese kia from Archaic Chinese *klans).
Abstract 摘要
This study is concerned with problems related to the general properties of BA sentences or ‘disposal’ sentences. It attempts to clarify what is generally described as ‘disposing’ of certain objects by the action of certain verbs. It is found that the verbs in these sentences share at least these common features: [+Verb. +Transitive. +Action. +Anaphoric], while the object noun phrases have these common features: [+Noun. +Object. +Source. +Anaphoric]. It is also found that co-occurrence relationships between the features of the verb and the object noun must be considered in order to explain the presence of BA in the sentences. Both the object noun and the verb must have such features as [+Anaphoric] mentioned above in order to allow the presence of BA in the sentence. The use of BA is but one of the common syntactic phenomena of these disposal sentences. They also behave similarly in other ways. It is also demonstrated that the syntactic phenomena of BA-sentences are but some of the consequences of similar Chinese sentences sharing the same presuppositions.
Discussion 讨论
Review 书评
Corrigenda 勘误
Volume 2, No 3
Article 文章
Abstract
They are semantically like prepositions, but many of them are homophonous with verbs; because of these two properties, grammarians have not been able to agree on their classification. Since there is an evident similarity of certain co-verbs to verbs being due to the historical evolution of the present-day co-verbs from earlier verbs, the semantic arguments in favor of regarding co-verbs as prepositions are compelling. These arguments include the fact that co-verbs have prepositional meanings, and that sentences containing co-verbs are not two-clause sentences. A comparison with the two-clause ‘serial verb’ constructions in Mandarin makes this clear. The synchronic and diachronic facts regarding Mandarin co-verbs find an exact parallel in the Kwa languages of West Africa.
Abstract
Defining the causative construction as a construction that conveys the meaning ‘an event causes another event’, this paper describes various syntactic constructions that answer the semantic definition. Two major types of causative constructions, intentional and unintentional, are distinguished. The semantic content of all intentional causative constructions is analyzed as Agent ((Event1) hō· Event2) or ‘Agent ((Event1) causes Event2)’, while that of the unintentional ones is analyzed as Event1 (hō· Event2), or ‘Event1 (causes Event2)’. Though relics of once-productive constructions are abundant in the language, one-verb causative constructions are found to be no longer productive.
Abstract
This paper is mainly concerned with where negative questions in Chinese originate. An abstract treatment not only allows us to derive all questions from a general underlying structure with disjunctive pattern, but also accounts for the discordance between the answer to a negative question and its answer particle.
Abstract
There is a class of complex sentences in Chinese having the surface form NP – VP1 – VP2 designated by Chao as sentences having verbal expressions in series. This article examines several subtypes of this verbal sequence, especially those involving descriptions of human action, directed motion, and instrumental functions, and finds that these could be subsumed under the heading of ‘purposive clauses’. The VP1 states an action whose goal is fulfilled by the action performed in VP2. The relevance of studies in the philosophy of action plays an important role in the understanding of such sentences.
Abstract
Two types of causatives, event causatives and factive causatives, are distinguished. It is argued that the ba-sentences are event causatives par excellence and that the ba and bei constructions, by deriving from the same underlying representation, can be shown to receive a unified account, if these two constructions are given a causative analysis. Finally, Vendler’s proposal (1967) that only fact can function as cause in a causal relation is shown to be untenable. It is hoped that further inquiry into Mandarin causatives will lead to a deeper understanding of the philosophico-linguistic notion of causation.
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